In
London there was a much smaller demonstration on May 1st supported by
those purists who preferred to meet the hopes of the most radical at the
Paris Congress for action on the day itself, rather than to recognise
the realities of British trade unionism. It was led by Jack Williams, a
working man from the East End of London, who was a stalwart of the
Marxist Social Democratic Federation (SDF), in his capacity as a leader
of the National Federation of all Trades, a shortlived general union
centred on south-west London. However, its main support came from the
Socialist League, a breakaway group from the SDF which, by this time,
was increasingly being dominated by anarchists. Jack Williams'
demonstration mustered between 1,000 and 1,500 people who flocked from
the Embankment to Hyde Park. This procession was marked by bands playing
the Marseillaise, including one wearing French redcaps, and by
companies of young men carrying red flags topped with caps of liberty.
On the evening of May Day the Socialist League held a demonstration at
Clerkenwell Green, attended by several thousand people, which was
addressed by William Morris and other leading League figures. However,
as E.P. Thompson wrote in his biography of Morris, 'For the sake of this
principle [demonstrating on May Day itself, which they held to honestly
in the belief that they were acting in true international fraternity,
they rejected the chance of sharing in the leadership of one of the
greatest demonstrations since the last days of Chartism.'
The main demonstration in London, held on Sunday, was one of the
largest, quite possibly the largest, in British history. A delighted
Engels, who was present on one of the platforms, wrote afterwards:
The demonstration here on 4th May was nothing short of
overwhelming and even the entire bourgeois press had to admit it... 250
to 500,000 people, of whom over three-quarters were workers
demonstrating...All in all, the most gigantic meeting that has ever been
held here.
To Karl Marx's daughter Laura, Engels wrote:
I can assure you that I looked a couple of inches taller
when I got down from that old lumbering wagon that served as a platform –
after having heard again, for the first time since 40 years, the
unmistakeable voice of the English Proletariat.
For all its vast size the main London May Day demonstration was
notable for divisions among its sponsors. The Times, which testified to
the scale of the event, also noted:
The whole affair, long though it had been in planning,
was on the whole, not well organised, probably because there was a lack
of unanimity among the leaders. The simple truth of the matter appears
to be that orders came from three different sources, that three sets of
minds were at work, and that the result was confusion.
The three groups were the Central Committee for the Eight Hours Legal
Working Day Demonstration, the London Trades Council and H.M. Hyndman
and the SDF.
The Central Committee for the Eight Hours Legal Working Day
Demonstration had been formed on April 6th, 1890. It represented
ninety-four trade union, socialist and radical groups, most of which had
been campaigning for the eight-hour day. One of the most important of
these bodies was the National Union of Gas Workers and General Labourers
which had won an eight-hour day through strike action in 1889. When its
secretary, Will Thorne, was asked to organise a May Day demonstration
he turned to Eleanor Marx and Edward Aveling (the socialist with whom
she lived). As well as being a major influence on Thorne's development
as a socialist, Eleanor Marx had been very active in the struggle to set
up the gasworkers' union. She and Aveling were leading figures in the
Bloomsbury Socialist Society, which itself had started to make
preparation for May Day. Along with the gasworkers and the Bloomsbury
Socialist Society, the other major body involved in the formation of the
Central Committee was the Labour Electoral Association which had been
set up by the TUC in 1886. The Central Committee was committed to the
statutory enactment of the eight-hour day.
In contrast, the London Trades Council in 1890 would go no further
than to declare itself in 'favour of the principle of reducing hours of
labour, leaving the precise method to the future'. It was dominated by
an older generation of trade unionists who were nervous about supporting
even the Sunday demonstration. However, as one of the old guard of
trade unionists, 6eorge Howell, the Liberal Member of Parliament for
Bethnal Green, put it, 'Goaded by the attacks of the Socialists and New
Trade Unionists, the London Trades Council found itself obliged to
participate in May Day celebrations in favour of "solidarity of labour",
Eight Hours and other idealist proposals' Tom Mann, a leading socialist
and New Unionist, succeeded in getting round the majority's opposition
to a legal, eight-hour day by proposing that the London Trades Council
hold a separate demonstration on May 4th. Hence the Trades Council made
its own separate arrangements, including marching to Hyde Park by a
different route from the Central Committee's procession and having seven
separate platforms for its speakers in the Park.
To add to organisational disarray. H.M. Hyndman and the SDF were a
third element in the great demonstration of May 4th, 1890. Hyndman had
long fallen out with Engels and with the Central Committee's leading
figures. He arranged with the London Trades Council to have two of its
seven platforms in Hyde Park.
By all accounts the London Trades Council's attempt at separate
organisation was a disaster. The Leicester Daily Mercury's correspondent
gave the following assessment:
The fact is that the Trades Council were beaten by their
very numbers. They marched into the park in straggling detachment, and
all interest in the demonstration had died away and the crowd had gone
before the last detachment arrived, weary and forlorn, at ten minutes to
six. Thus the Eight Hours Bill party gained a triumphant victory. They
showed their full strength, and their opponents, the numerically
stronger, never even looked imposing. They occupied the ground first and
engaged the interest of the crowd. They had excellent and well-known
speakers, whereas their opponents confined themselves to working men
orators. Last, but not least, they had a clear and definite proposition
to make.
The only Trades Council platform which drew a large crowd was the
main one, at which Tom Mann and Ben Tillett of the Dockers' Union spoke.
This was surrounded by dockers, barge-builders, ropemakers and
railwaymen. Mann, though he was a well-known advocate of the legal
eight-hour day, loyally spoke to the Trades Council motion.
The Central Committee's organisation coped better with the huge
number of demonstrators. At 4.00 p.m. a bugle sounded, and their
speakers, standing on the seven wagons serving as platforms, began.
However as The Times correspondent noted 'Procession after procession
came streaming into the park, bands played through speeches and it was a
medley of sounds.'
The biggest crowd gathered around platform five, the Gas Workers'
Union's platform, to hear John Burns. Burns, then thirty-one, was at the
height of his radical reputation; he gave his audience a fiery speech,
which included very blunt criticism of the older generation of trade
union leaders on the TUC and London Trades Council. He said that he and
the men on that platform 'had done more for unionism in the last twelve
months and had formed more trade unions in that time than all the
Broadhursts and Shiptons put together'. Burns said that although the gas
workers 'had got an eight hours day by voluntary effort and by
combination', they knew that 'directly trade declined and the boom was
passed' the employers would take such gains away unless they were
protected by an act of parliament.
While the main theme on the Central Committee's platforms was the
eight- hour day, it was not the sole one. On their second platform
Thomas Sutherest, then Radical prospective parliamentary candidate for
Doncaster, gave a vigorous speech against sweated labour. Michael
Davitt, the great Irish Nationalist advocate of land nationalisation,
also spoke from that platform, urging not only that 'the land should
belong to the people' but also that, 'It rested with the people
themselves to send to Parliament men from their own ranks who were
really representatives of labour, and the working classes would never
achieve any satisfactory reform until they realised and acted upon this
fact'. The Central Committee's other platforms had other famous
socialist and trade union figures on them. As well as Engels, these
included Fabians George Bernard Shaw and Graham Wallas, Edward
Bernstein, Eleanor Marx, George Lansbury, R B. Cunningham Graham MP, and
Pete Curran.
While the massive London demonstration of May 4th, 1890, received
international attention, there were others elsewhere in Britain. These
were held in places with marked SDF, Socialist League or New Union
activity or a blend of these. Within England, the largest May Day
demonstrations appear to have been in Northampton and Leeds. In
Northampton, in spite of pouring rain, there was a large procession
headed by a temperance hand. The Times reported that:
Nearly 10,000 working men assembled in the market square,
representing almost every branch of labour in the town and district,
including about 2,000 agricultural labourers from adjacent villages.
In Leeds some 6,000 workers marched in procession, with a band
playing the Marseillaise. At their head was a banner of the Leeds Jewish
Tailors, Pressers and Machinists, and those in the march included 1,100
Jewish tailors, 900 slipper makers and 800 gas workers, followed by
contingents of dyers, maltsters, teamsters and general labourers. There
were also sizeable demonstrations in Bristol and Plymouth.
In Scotland the largest demonstration was in Aberdeen on Saturday,
May 17th. Some 6,000 trade unionists took part in the procession and
between 10,000 and 20,000 heard H.H. Champion speak at the open-air
meeting. In Edinburgh, in spite of the opposition of the trades council
to a demonstration, between 400 and 600 people turned out to hear Keir
Hardie and other speakers on Sunday, May 4th.
The success of May Day in 1890 ensured that many more demonstrations
were organised in 1891. In London some 250,000 people attended the main
one on the Sunday. Several thousand people took part in those in Leeds,
Liverpool, Newcastle and Norwich. There were also demonstrations in
smaller towns such as Jarrow, Sittingbourne and Chatham. In 1891, as in
1890, the new unions were very prominent. The Times noted of Liverpool
that the 'processionists were mostly of the unskilled labour class'. As
in 1890 the Gasworkers' Union was a major force behind many
demonstrations. In the Northeast, at Newcastle and Jarrow, the Tyneside
and National Labour Union was prominent. In major ports such as
Liverpool and Newcastle the Sailors and Firemen's Union and the Dockers'
Union were especially important. In Leeds in 1891, as in 1890, Jewish
workers provided a large contingent. In Norwich, Liverpool, Newcastle
and elsewhere, the railwaymen, who were pressing for a ten-hour day
(eight for shunters in busy yards and for signalmen in busy boxes), were
major supporters of the demonstrations. At Newcastle a General Railway
Workers' Union speaker spoke bitterly of the parliamentary committee's
evidence of men working 'thirty-five hours at a stretch' on the
railways.
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