London YCL Netball Team 1953

London Young Communist League (YCL) Netball team formed March 1953


Hackney Workers Sports Club had a netball team formed in the late 1920's

Southall & Hayes and the Spanish Civil War

In July 1936 A.J. Murphy of Beresford Road, Southall wrote a very incisive letter to the Advertiser stating
“The Spanish people are defending democracy with their lives they are not doing it for Spain alone, they are doing it for the peoples of all democratic countries in Europe for who can doubt if Fascism triumphs in Spain that tomorrow the peoples front in France will equally be attacked”



January 1937 a meeting of the Southall Communist party had two speakers on Spain G.Y. Lothian of the TGWU and Isabel Brown Secretary of the Relief for Victims of War & Fascism. Showed film “Defence of Madrid” by Ivor Montagu, (with the aid of Norman McLaren - cameraman) filmed in November 1936 The collection raised £70,0s 5d, including £25 from the A.E.C. strike Committee
The film was in three parts
1)The assault on a people
2) The defence of Liberty
3) The World assists.

It showed air raids and air battles and scenes of great destruction at the office of Public works, newspaper, Church of San Sebastian, Palace of Duke of Alma and other Places…It shows a fire caused by a quarter ton bomb, still burning fire days later after the explosion. It showed the slain and injured victims. The second part dealt with the call to arms the building of barricades and air raid shelters the drilling and dispatch of troops to the front. It showed front line line scenes taken under fire in the University City. The third part showed the dispatch of food ships from the Soviet union the string of supplies to the capital, medical aid and hospital scenes and the work of the International Column (Brigade).

The column was shown in billets at the bunkhouse in the machine gun repair shop and in the front line trenches. There was also a picture of Ludwig Renn (b 22 april 1889-d21July 1979 famous German pacifist writer and one of Hans Beimler the German Communist MP who later died in the defence of Madrid in December 1936. I

Isabel Brown stated at the meeting “This fight was not between fascism and communism but between fascism and democracy” she went on to to speak about the “urgent need not only of arms but also of medical aid and warm clothing”

On Thursday 13th January 1937 a meeting of the “Aid to Spain” movement was held at Costons School, Oldfield Lane with D.F. Macauley in the Chair . A second meeting was held on 14th February with Michael Finn (AUBTW - Building union) and recent trade union delegation to Spain at Greenford.

In February 1937 it was reported by Mrs A. Grandjean (5 Brent Road,Southall)of the Communist Party, that Southall had three men in Spain, two in the International Brigade and one in the Medical unit as an Ambulance Driver The meeting was inaugurated as a result of rank & File Transport & General Workers bus section conference of all trade unionists in London to hold meeting for the sending of delegates to Spain said T. Duncan Greenford Aid to Spain was organising Thursday afternoon knitting sessions at 51 Rothesay Avenue.

T. Duncan in the International Brigade “Fascism must be crushed in Spain, the only thing he could do was go to Spain and fight for the workers” Mr M. Bromley a member of the International Brigade spoke to the Greenford Committee in March 1937 Ealing Spanish relief Committee held an inaugural meeting in the Lecture Room, Ealing Green, Congregational Church, The Secretary was Mr R.V. Procter of 24 Bradley Garens, West Ealing
Brothers Joe Coomes (Ealing) International Brigade Coomes (Ealing) Ambulance In

March 1937 a meeting was held at Southall Labour hall, the speaker was Dr C. Addison of the British Medical unit. Two resolutions were carried agreeing the setting up of a United Aid to Spain Committee which was charged with organising a campaign of solidarity and raising cash to assist the work of the Spanish Medical Aid unit and the heroic international brigade and to arouse the people of Southall and Hayes to the dangers of the non-intervention policy of the national government. The other resolution called upon the Trades Union Congress to call a Conference on Spain..
A committee representing twenty organisations was formed to get in touch with Churches, Chapels and other bodies regarding Spain. £5 for the Dr Addison Fund was raised In April a he Friends of Spain Uxbridge & Slough District Medical committee was established with the aim of raising £400-£500 for a medical unit. Mr W. Kuhlman of 17 Oakleigh Road, Hillingdon agreed to be the assistant District Secretary and Mrs L.Y. Morgan of 51 Swan Road, West Drayton was organiser for Yiewsley & west Drayton.

They organised house to house collections. The Friends of Spain held its first public meeting at St Andrews Parish hall, Uxbridge where the main speaker was Dr Milne, The Irish poet, the entrance fee was 6d and the meeting showed the film “Defence of Madrid” and News from Spain. On May 1st 1937 the Film Defence of Madrid was shown at the Methodist hall, long lane at 8pm Leaders Wilfred Roberts MP , Duchess of Atholl and Eleanor Rathbone

A society for the defence of political liberty Uxbridge April Speaker Miss Levatoff recently on delegation to Spain and Rex Irming London District Organiser “They were of the opinion that Franco would never capture Madrid, their spirits and morale was high” They were convinced that they were fighting not only for Freedom of Spain but for the overthrow of Fascism throughout Europe


Winston Churchill had stated in the Evening Standard 10th August 1936 that “The Spanish government had no legal or moral claim to support Spain, since it was being subverted and devowed by Communism” he was still supporting Franco as late as December 1938 (unlike Ted Heath future Conservative Prime Minister, who supoported the Republican cause)

British Unit left for Spain on August 23rd 1936

Captain W. B. Martin who fought in Spain in the 6th Artillery Battery of 1st Durutti Column spoke November 1937 Ruislip-Northwood Labour party speaking of the rebel troops stated “Over the top dressed in German field gray uniform there was the nucleus of world war in Spain and the English working Class should say it must stop since the beginning of the wars in Spain had been turned from a country of orange groves and vineyards into one of desolation and ruin by the rebel fascist forces who were backed up by dictators. Unless that was stopped in Spain it would happen to this country” William Martin a World War 1 veteran recognising the gravity of the situation immediately took command of an artillery section of sixty men In September 1936 ambulance Joaquin Maurin driven to Aragon front seen off from Clapham by Fenner Brockway special branch thought contained signaling equipment

In May 1936 J. Woodburn Secretary of the Uxbridge Trades Council stated

“That Hitler means War, there is no doubt and no matter what pacts he may sign they will not be worth the paper they are written on”

”We must make the workers understand that Hitler is a menace to Peace in Europe, make no mistake about it the first round has gone to Fascism and reaction, but we must see that now Unity has won in France, Spain and shown what can be done in Peckham the next round will also beat Fascism and reaction in this Country”

NOTE

John Mansfield building motorbike with sidecar ambulances for Spain at Hayes Labour hall


Mrs A. Grandjean active in Southall Comunist party and Southall Peace Council (any information welcomed)


Picture Atlee speaking to International Brigade in Spain


Mrs A. Grandjean, (5 Brent Road, Southall) very active in local and national Comunist Party

Guy Môquet - French Communist Resistance Hero

Guy Môquet, a Parisian, was 16 when the Germans invaded France. He became committed to the Resistance, distributing leaflets, but was arrested in 1941. He was tried and acquitted but, as a Communist, he was held as a political detainee.

When a German officer was killed by three Communists in Nantes, Hitler ordered the execution of 50 prisoners in retaliation. The Vichy government supplied the names and Môquet was the youngest.

On October 21, 1941, the night before he was shot, he wrote home to "my dearest mother, my adored little brother, my beloved father", asking them to be brave. "I am going to die," he started, adding: "17 and a half years, my life has been short, I have no regret except for leaving you all.

Guy Môquet – the Courageous Struggle

Translated 22 October 2007, by Patrick Bolland

Homage. The memory of the young Communist resistance fighter, Guy Môquet, is to be honoured. His last letter to his family will be read in all French high schools. Nicholas Sarkozy is co-opting our past to fit his political agenda.

The decision was announced by the president of the Republic on Wednesday 16 May, just after he was installed in office, in a ceremony paying hommage to the 35 young resistance fighters who were assassinated at the waterfall in the Bois de Boulogne. The last letter of the young communist Guy Môquet, shot by the Germans on 22 October 1941, will be read out by teachers in all French high schools at the start of each new school year.

To justify this, Nicolas Sarkozy said "I believe it is essential to explain what it is to be young and French" ... "Let us be proud of France in whose name they died", he declared to the young generation, invoking the memory of the young resistance fighters "for whom France counted more that politics or religion".

Executed by the Nazis at the age of 17

Frequently cited when Sarkozy talked in his electoral speeches of "selective immigration" and "national identity" during the presidential campaign, the student at the lycée Carnot, an activist with the Communist Youth League, is therefore being honoured today by a president of the Republic eager to clean up his image as a source of division.

Three great resistance fighters, Serge Ravanel, Danial Cordier and Raymond Aubrac, while pointing out their distance from Nicolas Sarkozy, are supporting this initiative, hoping that the trajectory of the young resistance fighter will be explained by teachers.

Sarkozy has appealed for "the liquidation of May ’68" and praised the "spirit of resistance", at the same time proclaiming the legitimacy of colonial conquests: the new head of state is trying to give a privileged space to history in his ideological combat. As Gérard Noiriel puts it, Nicolas Sarkoszy "is consecrating the great figures to consecrate himself" (1).

The historian continues: "This discourse on collective memory is also aimed at building a consensus that disregards social conflicts and the struggle for power." The political stuggle to which Guy Môquet was committed recurs, in fact, thoughout the president’s speeches; Sarkozy exalts only the "pride of France" which guided, according to him, the young resistance fighter. End of the story - no mention of the anti-fascist struggle, internationalism, the ideal of human emancipation, the fight for equality and for democracy that motivated him.

Arrested by the French police

Moreover, it is only the Gestapo that is being stigmatized. As the historian Max Gallo has however emphasized, Nicolas Sarkozy is saying absolutely nothing about the responsibility of the Vichy police and the Pétain government. Any mention of the role played by French citizens in the assassination of the young resistance fighter would have tarnished the heroic and twisted story of the nation that the new president wants to write.

Yet, it was the French police, looking for underground communist activists, who, on 13 October 1940, arrested Guy Môquet at the Gare de l’Est metro station. They then tortured him to try and obtain the names of the comrades of his father, Prosper Môquet, member of the National Assembly representing the 17th arrondissement in Paris – who was arrested a year later, stripped of his mandate and deported to Algeria.

A list of hostages to be shot

Imprisoned in Fresnes, then at Clairvaux, Guy Môquet was finally transferred with other communist activists to the Châteaubriant camp. On 20 October 1941, the Feldcommandant Karl Hotz was killed by three communist resistance fighters: two French, Marcel Bourdarias and Gilbert Brustien, and an ’immigrant’, the Italian Spartaco Guisco. As a reprisal, the nazi authorities presented to Pétain’s minister of the interior, Pierre Pucheu, a list of hostages who were going to be shot. Pucheu negotiated, picking out the communists "in order to prevent fifty good Frenchmen from being shot".

Two days later, in the Salière quarry, just outside the Châteaubriant camp, 27 resistance fighters were assassinated, among them Guy Môquet. Those whom the Vichy government representatives considered "bad French" fell under the bullets, crying out "Vive la France!" - A France they could only dream about, like the ’foreigners’ of the Affiche rouge(2), who had shed themselves of all the poison of fear and hatred of the Other.

The text of the farewell letter written by 17-year-old Resistance hero Guy Môquet before his execution in 1941 and read in schools across France on Monday:

My dearest Mother, my beloved little brother, my beloved father.

I'm going to die! I'm asking you, especially Mother, to be brave. I am being so and I want to be just as brave as those who have gone before me. Of course I would have preferred to live. But what I want with all my heart is that my death serves some purpose. I haven't had the time to embrace Jean. I embraced my two brothers in arms Roger and Rino.

Alas, I wasn't actually able to embrace my real brother. I hope all my things are sent back to you, they will be of some use to Serge, who I trust will be proud to wear them one day. Dearest Dad, although I've given you and Mom lots of troubles, I send you one last greeting. I hope you know that I have done my best to follow in your footsteps.

A last farewell to all my friends and to my brother who I love a lot. He should study hard so that he becomes a man later on.

17 and a half. My life has been short, but I have no regrets apart from leaving you. I'll be dying alongside Tintin and Michels. Ma, I'm asking you, and I want you to promise, to be brave and get over your pain.

I can't write any more. I leave you, Mother, Serge, Dad, embracing you with all my young heart. Be brave.

Your Guy who loves you.

Guy

Hands Off Russia 1919-1920

Hands Off Russia 1919-1920

In early May 1920, in London's East India Dock a ship called the Jolly George was found to be loading munitions for Poland which with the connivance of the British and French Governments, had invaded Russia and captured Kiev. 

On May 10th 1920 the dockers stopped work. they declared they would not load the Jolly George until the arms were removed. the coalheavers likewise refused to load coal for the ships engines until the munitions were unloaded which they were on the 15th May

 Harry Pollitt leader of the "Hands Off  Russia" campaign and worked to build support amongst the dockers

"The strike on the Jolly George has given a new inspiration to the whole working class movement. On May 15th 1920 the munitions were unloaded back on the dockside, and on the side of one ofcase is a very familiar sticky-back: "Hands Off Russia". It was only very small but that day it was big enough to be read all over the world"  

THE HISTORY OF THE HANDS OFF RUSSIA CAMPAIGN

Before the end of July 1918 the German forces invading northern France had begun their retreat across the Marne. In the first week of August 1918 British troops were landed both at Arch-angel in the north and in the south at Baku.

On August 6 the British government issued a 'Declaration to Russian Peoples' stating that they had 'no intention of interfering in Russian polities'.

The actions of the British military authorities and their support of anti-Soviet forces spoke otherwise.

It is doubtful if the statement was anywhere swallowed. It was not readily accepted by the workers, perhaps least of all by the miners of South Wales who had experienced the inveterate duplicity of their rulers. The Rhondda Monthly Meeting, composed of delegates from thirty-two trade union branches, in October 1918 carried a resolution both in Welsh and in English:

"That this Meeting strongly protests against the Armed Intervention in Russia in opposition to the declared wishes of the Soviet Government, and indirect contradiction to the Allies' pronouncement in favour of the self determination of all Nations. This Meeting believes that the overthrow of the Soviet Administration would be a disaster to the Organised Labour Movement throughout the world, and could only be construed as evidence of the intention of the Government to make War on the Working Classes."

Similar protests were made elsewhere up to the armistice on November 11, 1918, which afforded an opportunity for the cabal within the British government to push forward their sinister schemes. Britain and France and a dozen other powers were to send their armies against the territories of their war-time ally.

Nineteen days after the armistice, on December 1, 1918, a meeting of the London Workers' Committee and the Socialist Labour Party adopted an appeal for a national conference to campaign for a general strike against intervention. This circular, headed 'Hands off Russia!', was on show at the Marx Memorial Library exhibition in October 1977.

The month of January 1919 opened a two year period of strikes,riots, mutinies and insurrection, both in Britain and throughout the world. In the British army at home there were over fifty strikes in the month of January. Commander-in-Chief (Sir Douglas Haig informed the Secretary of State for War (Winston Churchill) of a whole army camp at Calais in mutiny; that he had surrounded it with Guards troops heavily armoured; that he would find a dozen 'ring-leaders' to have them court-martialled and shot. Churchill, while in general agreement with the sentiments of Haig, was considerably more cunning and advised less drastic penalties.

As industrial acting-editor. Page Arnot interviewed in the Herald office a group of the fully armed strikers and took a note of their grievances, while Andrew Rothstein was responsible for another unit refusing to volunteer for Archangel.

The further progress of the 'Hands off Russia' campaign may now be summarised as follows:

January 18,1919: The London Workers' Committee conference, in association with the BSP, SLP WSF and IWW at the Memorial Hall, with 350 delegates, including Arthur McManus and Sylvia Pankhurst, and Harry Pollitt (Openshaw BSP) who spoke as a delegate, adopted a resolution launching the movement thereafter known as the 'Hands off Russia!' Campaign. A committee of 16 was formed. Pollitt was already know to the River Thames Shop Stewards Movement.

January to September 1919: Local 'Hands off Russia!' bodies formed in many places, including one at Oxford of workers and students, of whom Andrew Rothstein was one, in February.

February 8, 1919: British Socialist Party 'Hands off Russia!' meeting filling the Albert Hall where both of us were present—as also at subsequent such gatherings.

March 31,1919: First number of revived Daily Herald reinforcing campaign.

April 3,1919: Joint Conference of Trades Union Congress and Labour Party called for immediate withdrawal of troops from Russia and decided 'to take such action as may be necessary to induce Allied Governments to do likewise.'

April 9,1919: The above resolution presented to Chancellor of the Exchequer (Bonar Law) by a deputation from Parliamentary Committee of Trades Union Congress, whose chairman (Stuart-Bunning) told Bonar Law that if the answer was unsatisfactory, there would be the likelihood of a general strike.

May 15, 1919: Meeting of Parliamentary Committee of Trades Union Congress (on conscription), with Triple Alliance of miners, railwaymen and transport workers. 

June 3, 1919: Triple Alliance conference on conscription threatens strike if troops are not withdrawn from Soviet Russia. Conference in Manchester sets up national 'Hands off Russia!' Committee including trade union leaders and members of parliament.

June 1919 The Labour Party conference, against the will of the leadership denounced the intervention as "war in the interests of financial capitalism, which aims at the destruction of the Russian Socialist Republic and as a denial of the right to self-determination"

June 1919 The national committee elected in January gave way to a more representative National "Hands off Russia Committee, set up by a conference in Manchester. Its President was A.A. Purcell and included C.T. Cramp (NUR Rail union), Tom Mann (ASE Engineering Union ), George Peet National shop Stewards Committee, John Bromley (Locomotives and Firemen union ), Fred Shaw (ASE) David Kirkwood (ASE) John Hill (Boilermakers union), W, Straker (Miners union), Alex Gossip (Furniture maker union), William Gallacher (Clyde). Secretary W.P. "Pat" Coates (BSP) and during 1919 its organiser was Harry Pollitt with headquarter at Margaret Street Hall, Openshaw, Manchester, from which the great industrial centres of the North and midlands could be more easily be reached.

July 20,1919: International strikes against intervention in Russia.

August 18,1919: British naval attack on Russian fleet.

September 8, 1919: General Ironside's interview on his plans for offensive in Russia divulged in Daily Express. Ironside replaced by General Rawlinson. 

September 11, 1919: Churchill issues statement that evacuation would be carried out, but subject to 'General Rawlinson's fullest discretionary power as to time and method'. Scottish TUC resolved (with one dissentient) that, failing withdrawal of British troops, 'a special TUC be called immediately to decide what action shall be taken.'

October 11, 1919: Daily Herald demonstration on Peace with Russia (and nationalisation of mines) fills Albert Hall.

October 16,1919: Kronstadt reported to be under bombardment from British navy. Finnish Diet (parliament) next day decides against peace negotiations with Soviet Russia.

November 8,1919: Lloyd George's Guildhall speech hints at peace with Russia.

November 1919 Leaflet circulated to unions quoted Principal W.T. Goode M A Russian correspondent for the Manchester Guardian and Lt Col Malone MP who had just visited Russia who gave factual eye witness accounts.

December 10, 1919: Special Trades Union Congress resolved: 'That this Congress, having heard the report of the deputation which waited upon the Prime Minister on the Question of Russia, expresses its profound dissatisfaction; it calls upon the Government immediately to consider the peace overtures made by the Soviet Government.' Congress also decided that a delegation be appointed to visit Russia.

January 16,1920: Allied Supreme Council decide to 'permit' trade with Russia, if through co-operative bodies; and, six weeks later, to forbid diplomatic relations.

February 27, 1920: Big demonstration in Albert Hall called by National 'Hands off Russia!' Committee chaired by Tom Mann and addressed by Colonel Malone and Commander Harold Grenfell RN., John MacLean from the Clyde, Robert Williams Transport Workers Union, Israel Zangwill, Professor Goode and Commander Grenfell.

March 24,1920: Vast Albert Hall meeting, Tom Mann in the Chair, welcomes home George Lansbury who reports on his visit to Russia and his talks with Lenin.

March 1920 Red Army drives counter revolutionary troops into the Crimea.

April 4, 1920 Daily Herald states " The marionettes are in Warsaw, but the strings are pulled from London and Paris".

April 24,1920: Marshal Pilsudski of Poland invades Soviet Russia..

April 1920 Rumours of two Belgian barges at Blackwell shipyard being fitted to carry war material to Poland, A few weeks later news came that the towing rope attached to the barges had broken while crossing the North Sea and the barges had sunk.

May 1, 1920 May day march to Hyde Park, Danish steamer Neptune sailed with Munitions, brave attempts to stop her fail. However two Communist firemen amongst the crew, when she neared Gravesend called all the hands together, explained that the cargo was munitions to be used against Russia and while the Captain argueed the ship hit an oncomming ship forcing it to return to dock.

May 3, 1920: Pilsudski receives telegram of congratulations from King George V.

May 10, 1920: The Times wrote that the capture of Kiev by the poles "is a great triumph for them and their Ukrainian allies and a heavy blow for the Bolsheviks"
 

May 10th 1920 London dockers, on an appeal from Harry Pollitt, strike against loading the Jolly George with munitions for Poland: and then receive full backing from Fred Thompson, District Secretary of the Dockers' Union.

There followed a three month period in which at first the Polish armies made great inroads and captured Kiev the capital of the Ukraine. But within four weeks the Poles were driven backwards.

Whereupon the British government which, Churchill had admitted on May 11, had 'helped to strengthen and equip the Polish army', came once more to its aid. The danger of the British and French people being plunged into war was greater from week to week.

Throughout May, June and July the agitation for peace and for 'Hands off Russia!' increased correspondingly.

June 1920 Labour party conference at Scarborough, Hodgson of the BSP moves amendment calling for Peace with Russia. moved an addendum to the official resolution (which called for peace with Russia) proposing the immediate summoning of a national conference.

"having for its object the organisation of a general strike that shall put an end once and for all to the open and covert participation of the British Government in attacks on the Soviet Republic . . ."and which, moreover, recommended: "that unions should support their members in refusing to do work which directly or indirectly assists hostilities against Russia."

This addendum, opposed, amongst others, by Ernest Bevin, was heavily defeated at the time, but had its effect.

The Polish armies at first rapidly advanced. On June 12 they took Kiev. But at the end of the month they were in headlong retreat from the Ukraine, pursued by Budienny's First Cavalry and other Soviet forces right to the gates of Warsaw, a remarkable military feat which aroused tremendous enthusiasm in the international working-class movement.

Friday, August 5, 1920: Arthur Henderson, 'from his sick-bed' as his son Willie told Arnot, sends telegrams to every local Labour Party calling for immediate citizen demonstration against intervention and possible extension of war.

Saturday, August 6, 1920: Communist Party of Great Britain (formed five days earlier) sends telegram (drafted by Andrew Rothstein) to branches in thirty main industrial centres, urging participation in these demonstrations with demand for five points: (see below)

—Immediate withdrawal of warships.

—Immediate withdrawal of British troops in Poland.

—Withdrawal of any support for Poland.

—Immediate Agreement on Peace with Soviet Russia.

—Formation of Central Labour Action Council to watch over fulfillment.

The Communist in the next four weeks has many reports of the '5 points' being adopted by trade union and labour demonstrations.

Sunday, August 8, 1920: Special issue of Daily Herald under the headline "Not a man, Not a Gun, Not a Sou" , with CP manifesto embodying the five points.

Tuesday, August 9,1920: The Parliamentary Committee of the Trades Union Congress and the National Executive Committee of the Labour Party decide to call national conference in London and to lay before it resolutions for a general strike if war were made on Soviet Russia.

Saturday, August 13, 1920: Above Conference (over a thousand delegates in Central Hall, Westminster) sets up a National Council of Action to stop the war, The Committee had 15 members of whom only two were Communist Party members A.A. Purcell and Robert Williams): and 350 local Councils of Action formed in the next few days. National Council of Action then deputed two of its members (Chairman of the TUC Parliamentary Committee and Chairman of the Labour MPs) to cross to France (where they were arrested) to concert common action with the French Labour movement; and on the same day set up Publicity and Propaganda Committee to be organised by the Assistant Secretary of the Labour Party (J. S. Middleton) and by R. Page Amot, Secretary of the Labour Research Department. This Committee, meeting daily, issued a stream of manifestos and articles to the trade union and labour press.

The Conference passed the following resolution

(1) An absolute guarantee that the armed forces of Great Britain shall not be used in support of Poland, Baron Wrangel, or any other military or naval effort against the Soviet Government.

(2) The withdrawal of all British naval forces operating directly or indirectly as a blockading influence against Russia.

(3) The recognition of the Russian Soviet Government and the establishment of unrestricted trading and commercial relation ships between Great Britain and Russia.

The effect of all this was immediate: and within three days (on 10th August 1920) Lloyd George hastily beat a retreat. It was announced that war preparations were to be cancelled and a deputation of MPs and other Council of Action delegates were told by the Prime Minister on August 16 that there would be no war and that 'Labour is hammering at an open door.'

As Winston Churchill later put it, Under these pressures Mr Lloyd George was constrained to advise the Polish Government that... the British Government could not take any action against Russia".

So after eighteen months of unremitting effort the aim of the conference of January 1919 had been achieved; by threat of general strike the capitalist government had been compelled to change policy. No one could dispute the statement in the Labour Party's annual report "There is no doubt whatever that the action of the Labour movement early in August prevented open war with Russia".

The "Hands Off Russia" movement triumphed because it expressed the will of millions who wanted to avoid another war and of thousands of class-conscious workers who knew that the emancipation of their class was bound up with the preservation of the first Socialist Republic. Among many talented and devoted leaders of the movement Harry Pollitt stood out as having been the first to see clearly that success depended on Labour's will to use its industrial power; as the man who realised that the seamen, dockers and shipyard workers were best placed to strike the first blow; and who personally led the months of campaigning in the East London dock areas to convince them to act.

Years later, when the Labour leaders rejected the strike as a weapon of struggle against another war, Pollitt wrote: "To prevent, impede or sabotage a war demands constant and unremitting preparation, agitation, propaganda and organisation. But when the workers are won for direct action, then indeed the results of this action strike decisive blows against the war makers and can on occasion force them to change their whole political line.

Source: R. Page Arnot ,Andrew Rothstein Labour Monthly December 1977

Harry Pollitt by John Mahon, History of CPGB 1919-1924 by James Klugmann

----------------

NOTES

On August 6th (the fourth day of its existence) the Communist Party sent out its first circular to Branch Secretaries1 over the signatures of Arthur MacManus and Albert Inkpin, The Five points of the circular were embodied in a Communist party manifesto, which appeared for the first time ever on a Sunday. The four page edition of the Daily Herald on 8th August 1920 with the slogan "Not a man, Not a Gun, Not a Sou"

"There is no need to remind you of the importance of saving Soviet Russia from the attacks of the capitalist governments. For nearly three years you have worked loyally and well to that end.

Your efforts, according to their own admissions, have paralysed the militarists' attempts to crush our Russian comrades, for they realise how deeply 'Hands Off Russia' propaganda has sunk into the minds of the workers.

"But this is a supreme moment for action. War—definite, open, bloody war—in support of the Polish nationalists, is threatened against Russia. The Polish attack was secretly instigated and secretly prepared; the Polish request for an armistice a trick to gain time....

"Comrades, the Government must be told in plain terms that the workers will not have war against Soviet Russia. It is our duty deliberately to advise the workers not only to refuse all service for that purpose, but to oppose it actively.

"The Communist Party, in the first days of its existence, must be worthy of its mission. Let us rise to the height of a great occasion. "Call meetings in your District to denounce the new war. Wherever meetings have been arranged for the week-end, make them specifically for this object.

"Get into touch with the organised workers in your District, through the Trade Union Branches, Trades Councils, Shop Stewards Committees—everywhere—and urge them immediately to notify the Government that they will not make nor handle munitions, nor volunteer for service, nor be pressed into services, but will actively oppose, by a general strike, the threatened campaign.

"Speak boldly and act quickly. Neglect nothing. On the shoulders of every individual member of the Communist Party rests the fate of Russia at this critical moment. Let every member, therefore, be a missionary for the salvation of Russia, lest we be branded with the infamy of crushing by our apathy the first Socialist Republic, and our own hopes and ideals at the same time."

The first issue of the weekly organ of the Communist Party, the Communist (August 5), called on the workers to fight against the intervention in Russia" ' The Threatened War Against Russia, C.P. circular of August 5, 1920.

MELVINA WALKER - WSF

Harry Pollitt paid special credit to the role of Melvina Walker (Poplar- East London) in the "Hands off Russia" Campaign, she was an active member of Sylvia Pankhursts - Workers Socialist Federation (W.S.F) and its journal the "Workers Dreadnought" in keeping an eye on Munition ships in the London docks. Melvina as a docker's wife, and the WSF had strong links with the dockers and seamen and as such were in a position to monitor cargo movements as Pollitt states: "Mrs Walker of Poplar toiled like a Trojan, on a shopping morning you could rely on seeing her in Crisp Street, talking to groups of women about Russia and how we must help, asking them to tell their husbands to keep their eyes skinned to see that no munitions went to those trying to crush the revolution".

Jimmy Reid - 1952 Apprentice Strike

JIMMY REID 1932-2010
WORKING CLASS HERO

"Reject the insidious pressures in society that would blunt your critical faculties to all that is happening around you, that would caution silence in the face of injustice, least you jeopardise your chances of self promotion and self advancement" .

Jimmy Reid 1971

1952 Apprentices Strike

Jimmy Reid (Scottish Y.C.L.) Congress 1952

On Wednesday, 2 April 1952, the lads on the Clydeside, after being on strike for 31 weeks, decided to resume work, with the full intention of continuing ithe strike, failing a satisfactory reply from the employers before April 20.

During the strike the employers used every means to try and split the unity of the lads. They sent letters to their parents, posing as philanthropic gentlemen only interested in the welfare of the lads! When this failed, the employers began threatening the lads eligible for National Service with cancellation of their deferment. One employer was rash enough to send postcards threatening wholesale cancellations of the deferments.

The response of the lads was, to paraphrase Churchill, "prompt, resolute and effective". They held a demonstration through the streets and publicly burnt the postcards. Certain right-wing union officials tried to undermine the movement among the lads.

They did everything to try and prevent action being taken. But the apprentices ignored them and went on strike.. Yet this did not affect their attitude to the union. During the course of the strike, 1,000 took application forms for the A.E.U.

The apprentices on the Clydeside are now aiming at 100 per cent trade unionism. Communist Leadership This feeling was not generated overnight. It was a direct reflection of the growing discontent amongst young people at the gradually worsening conditions they are asked to live under.

We can only bring into being and develop such a movement under the leadership of the Young Communist League and with the assistance of the Communist Party, It was explained to the lads on the Clydeside that indignation was not enough, the £1 would not be handed to them on a plate, and they would have collectively to organise and struggle against the employers.We now have on the Clydeside a collective movement among the apprentices which has its roots in every factory in Glasgow. This movement has left deep impressions on the lads. It has led to a re-awakening of the class-consciousness amongst these young people. It was the first time they had participated in s class battle.

They now appreciate their own strength. It is one step from that to realisation that once workers move into action they represent an invincible force. We also learnt very valuable political lessons in regard to the press. Many had illusions about the press which were soon shattered. The lads were quick to realise that if the press wrote lies about them, they wrote lies about a lot of other things.

When on demonstrations, they always wanted to march past the newspaper offices and boo them. The boys are beginning to realise the tie-up between the press and the Tory Party. This was one of the most valuable lessons they learnt.

Ready to Defend Conditions

This movement, above all else, has shown the readiness of young people, given proper leadership, to go into action in defence of their living standards, and on all issues which affect them.

The decision taken at this year's annual Junior Workers Conference of the A.E.U. declares for the reduction of service to twelve months, and that to be served inside Britain. This indicates that the people, given proper leadership, are prepared to move into action on all issues which affect them.

NOTE 1952 APPRENTICES STRIKE SPREAD

The strike soon spread to England and an estimated 40,000 apprentices went on strike for better wages. After three and a half weeks the strike ended with a significant pay rise across numerous sectors.

JIMMY REID 1932-2010

Jimmy Reid born on 9th July 1932 in Govan, He left school at 14 to work in the yards and led his first strike, of engineering apprentices, aged 19 with Bristol Polar Engines; before long he was a shop steward. Initially a Labour supporter, he cut his teeth on rent strikes in Govan, joined the Young Communist League in 1950 (serving on its executive with Arthur Scargill) and became a Clydebank Communist councillor. Reid came out of the work-in as shop stewards’ convener at the Marathon rig-building yard, Clydebank — which he remained for several years despite being a national figure.

Reid became the Scottish Secretary of the Party in the late 1960s.

Reid's involvement with the Upper Clyde Shipbuilders (UCS) came when he returned to his trade in the Govan Division of UCS in 1969, moving to the John Brown Division in Clydebank where he married Joan Swankie and was elected as one of the four Communist Party councillors on Clydebank town council.

The semi-nationalised UCS had been created in 1968 by Tony Benn to rescue five loss-making shipyards on the upper Clyde.

The Conservatives came to power pledging to kill off industrial "lame ducks" and in June 1971 they withdrew trade credits, pushing the company into administration.

Some 6,000 workers were scheduled to lose their jobs within three months.

Under the leadership of Reid, Airlie and Barr the co-ordinating committee of the joint shop stewards refused to accept this outcome and occupied the yards.

His most prominent claim to fame arose from his joint leadership of 8,000men at the Upper Clyde Shipbuilders work in from June 1971 for fourteen months, even John Lennon of the Beatles backed the work in with £5000

Students at Glasgow University voted him Rector.

He stood three times as a Communist candidate in General Elections for Dunbartonshire in 1970, 1974 (twice). In 1974 he tripled the Communist vote. Securing inoneelectionover 6,000 votes.

Reid joined the Labour Party in 1979 and into new century was still involved with the Scottish Left.

Jimmy Reid on election to position of Rector at Glasgow University in 1971 stated

"Reject the insidious pressures in society that would blunt your critical faculties to all that is happening around you, that would caution silence in the face of injustice, least you jeopardise your chances of self promotion and self advancement"

Jimmy Reid died Rothesay 10th August 2010

UCS Statement


"We are taking over the yards because we refuse to accept that faceless mencan make these decisions. We are not going to strike. We are not evenhaving a sit-in strike. Nobody and nothing will come in and nothing will go out without our permission. There will be nohooliganism, there will be no vandalism, there will be no bevvying, because the worldis watching us."

Jimmy Reid 1971

Michael Walker

Addition

THE CLYDESIDE APPRENTICES' STRIKE 1952.

THE CONFERENCE.

January 27 1952 saw an event that set the ball rolling for the first major apprentices' strike since 1937, before the second world war. On that Sunday the Young Engineers Clydeside Conference was called. It took place at 1pm in Community House Clyde Street Glasgow, wages and conditions being the main subjects up for discussion. A Clydeside Apprentices' leaflet claimed, “Apprentices pay the same as journeymen for meals, travel, tools and overalls, etc.” The conference also called for Action Committees to be set up in every workshop and to pursue a claim for £1 week increase on apprentices' wages. At the conference there were 31 firms represented with 114 apprentice delegates representing all trades in engineering and shipbuilding.

Committee secretary, Jimmy Reid, stated, ”--it is not enough to feel indignation, but it was necessary to translate it into action. The committee supported 100% trade union membership among apprentices and stated, “We are the skilled tradesmen of tomorrow---and it is in our hands that the future prosperity of this country depends--.” At this time young lads were being sent to fight in Korea, Egypt, Malaya etc.

A RISE IN FEELINGS.

A delegation from Fairfield Shipyard, Govan, Glasgow, stated that the apprentices there believed that the next step forward was a token strike and demonstration on the streets of Glasgow. “We will make the bosses shake when they see 1,000 apprentices marching through the streets of Glasgow.” Some working conditions were described, saying, apprentices were working on water tests, up to their knees in muck and rust and earning 24 shillings a week.

FIRST DAY OF ACTION.

The first one day strike and demonstration saw 5,000 apprentices march through Glasgow city centre. There was a roar of cheering when the demonstration was informed that 1,200 Greenock apprentices had stopped work in solidarity. At the Hydepark Locomotive works Springburn Glasgow, the management tried to get the apprentices to go to an arranged film show instead of striking. It failed miserably.

Eric Parks of Weirs Pumps Cathcart Glasgow said he was called before the apprentices' supervisor who said, “Eric my boy, you've fallen down in my respect. The employers are making sacrifices in our works--.” Eric pointed out that Weirs had made £1.25 million profit last year, or £6 per head per week.

A comment by a member of the government that a loaf of bread might soon cost 10/- (ten shillings, -50p). This was taken up as, 3 loaves of bread a week—an apprentices wage.

THE LONDON DELEGATION.

A delegation of apprentices interviewed employers representatives in London and it was stated in the press, that these young engineers didn't fear important looking gents in Anthony Eden hats and impeccable suits. On this London delegation were Eric Parks, Jimmy Reid, John McColl, and Ernest Skilling.

SPREADING.

In Aberdeen 600 apprentices noisily marched through the city streets, the call for strike action was now spreading. There was now apprentice action in Glasgow, Greenock, Aberdeen, Manchester, Shefield and London.

THE RESOLUTION.

At a delegate conference on Sunday March 2nd a resolution to call a strike for Monday March 10th 1952 was carried by 95 for and 5 against. The resolution stated, This conference of delegates representing apprentices from all over Scotland, demands a reply not later than 12am of Friday March 7th to the claim of the Confederation of Shipbuilding and Engineering Unions for a £1 per week increase in all apprentices wages. An unsatisfactory reply or a failure to reply will be regarded as deliberate refusal to reach agreement and will result in strike action commencing on Monday March 10th at 11am..

BULLISH ATTITUDE.

The attitude of the apprentices was very bullish with speaker after speaker emphasising that apprentices wanted strike action in the belief that only militant action would lead to a successful campaign. At the conference Jimmy Reid stated; “Before the lads went into action the employers had no need to worry about them, but now these people are sitting up and having to take notice of the apprentices,--- the lesson is clear.” Eric Parks reminded the conference of the huge profits being made by the employers and said; “We must see the necessity of forming apprentices' committees in every factory as the main form of organisation----it is better to suffer a little hardship than to grovel on our bellies and accept the miserable and intolerable conditions of the present time.”

THE STRIKE.

On Wednesday March 6th 500 apprentices from Caledonian Shipyard Dundee staged a half day token strike in support of the £1 claim. Other action, demonstrations and marches of support sprang up in London, Manchester and elsewhere.

No satisfactory answer arrived so the strike went ahead on Monday 10th March. With 5,000 Clydeside apprentices walking out at 11am that day. By March 22nd over 17,000 apprentices in engineering and shipbuilding and other key industries were on strike. At this period Birkenhead, Manchester and Shefield joined the strike. There was union and financial support form workplaces, some workplaces were levying workers 2/6 (two shillings and sixpences,12 and a half pence.) to 5/- (five shillings, 25 pence.) Workers at the Rolls Royce Works donated £150.

By March 25th nearly 20,000 apprentices were on strike. March 26th Glasgow shop stewards decided to take token action to support the apprentices strike. In Edinburgh where apprentices had decided to go back, they walked out again the same day 800 strong. Harland and Wolf's Belfast now joined the strike with over 1,000 apprentices walking off the job.

That week there was a march and demonstration in Glasgow which saw 5,000 apprentices march through the city streets. By this time Rolls Royce had donated £500 to the strike fund.

THE RETURN TO WORK.

Approximately 20,000 apprentices who had been on strike for more than three weeks went back to work on the understanding that it would speed up negotiations with the employers. Delegates representing 14,500 took decisions for future action should the employers fail to give a satisfactory response. The conference adopted a strong worded resolution which expressed determination to carry the fight to a successful conclusion.

Pat McCauley, secretary of the Greenock strike committee stated; “This is only the first round in the struggle. The lads have shown their mettle and shaken the bosses. If we don't get a reply to our claim shortly, the bosses must be held responsible for what will follow--- this is a tactical retreat not a defeat. The boys are still in fighting mood.” On Friday April 25th apprentice delegates from Clydeside, Aberdeen, Manchester, Shefield and York decided in Glasgow to accept, under protest, the recent wage award agreed between the trade unions and the employers. The conference stated that this was only the first stage in the struggle for better conditions.

DISCONTENT.

Eric Parks, secretary of the Clydeside Apprentices committee said that the amount employers gave which was higher than their first offer, and the fact that they negotiated a separate wage claim for the apprentices at was entirely due to the militant action taken by the lads in the workshops and shipyards. The fact that there had been a separate negotiated wage claim for the apprentices represented a terrific victory for the lads. Previously the apprentices wage increases, if any, were simple tacked on to the end of the wages agreement made with the journeymen.

The general feeling among the apprentices, especially the 1st. 2nd. and 3rd year lads was one of discontent. A discontent that said it should be accepted under protest and immediately make arrangements to go forward for a new demand.

THE AWARDS.

Age-- Award.

15-- 5s 6p

16-- 6s 5p

17-- 7s 4p

18-- 8s 3p

19-- 10s 1p

20-- 11s

The 10s and 11s award was a fair bit of money to many apprentices and this may have been the aim of the employers by making it less likely that the older lads, who would be journeymen in a year or so, would be less likely to support further strike action.

Posted by John Couzin.