Tuesday, June 07, 2016

Big Red Bike Ride BRBR 1988

P&O Dispute Dover - Cardiff Seamen's banner

Cardiff branch of the National Union of Seamen banner (now RMT) on the P&O Dispute march Dover August 1988

Cardiff Boilermakers union banner unveiled September 1893

Saturday, May 28, 2016

Labour - NHS Day 1988

Labour Party NHS Day at Alexandra Palace 3rd July 1988


Election Night 1997

Park Royal (Acton) Vehicles Stewards Banner

Park Royal (Acton) Vehicles Shop Stewards Committee Banner
TUC Rally 21 February 1971 

Thursday, May 26, 2016

DATA West London Division 1971

Draughtsmen's and Allied Technicians' Association (DATA)  West London banner on the TUC march 21st February 1971 against the Industrial Relations Bill

formally The Association of Engineering and Shipbuilding Draughtsmen's (AESD), 

Later TASS, MSF,

NUR Rail Union Banners 1971 TUC "The Great March"

National Union of Railwaymen (NUR) now RMT banners on the TUC Industrial Relations Bill march "The Great March" 21 February 1971

National Union of Railwaymen banners
Glasgow National Union of Railwaymen
Euston National Union of Railwaymen
Earls Court National Union of Railwaymen
Paddington No2  National Union of Railwaymen
Chalk Farm National Union of Railwaymen


TUC United Against Racialism March

TUC United Against Racialism march circa 1978/79

(Note Barbara Castle, Harriet Harman, Tessa Jowell, Jo Richardson

photo John Strrock

South Wales Miners Pageant - May Day 1939

South Wales Miners Federation May Day 
Pageant of South Wales

Orgnised by the South Wales Miners Federation in association with the Labour Research Department

1st May 1939

Wednesday, May 25, 2016

Atlas Lamps - 1924-1925 British Empire Exhibition - Wembley

GEC Atlas Lamps, 1924-1925  British Empire Exhibition - Wembley

Kier Hardie - Royal Baby

Socialist Club of Shanghai - Jiang Kanghu

Jiang Kanghu
Jiang Kanghu2.jpg
Native name 江亢虎
Born July 18, 1883
Yiyang, Jiangxi, China
Died December 7, 1954 (aged 71)
Shanghai, China
Nationality Chinese
Jiang Kanghu (Chinese: 江亢虎; pinyin: Jiāng Kànghú; Wade–Giles: Chiang K'ang-hu; Hepburn: Kō Kōko), who preferred to be known in English as Kiang Kang-hu, (July 18, 1883 – December 7, 1954)

 Socialistic Confucian

It was also the beginning of the Socialist movement. On July 10, 1911, I organized a Socialist Club in Shanghai, and on the same day the Socialist Star, the first Socialist paper in China, made its appearance.

This Socialist Club of Shanghai was originally organized more to sturdy Socialism than to propagate it. About fifty men and women were members of the group, and earnestly they studied the Socialist classics.

But meanwhile, the First Revolution had started in the South, at Hankow. On November 3, 1911, Shanghai fell into the hands of the revolutionists. Then the club changed its name to the Socialist Party of China, and organizers were sent out into the Southern provinces, where many new branches were organized: 

The Socialist Star became a,daily, and had a wide circulation. The party membership increased with enormous rapidity. The Shi Hui Tong, or Socialist Party, was the first political party as such in China. On November 5, 1911, it met in its first annual convention at Shanghai and adopted a platform.

The Daily Socialist Star, the Weekly Socialist Bulletin, and the Monthly Offcial Bulletin. Among the pamphlets and leaflets which were printed at this plant and sent out in great quantities, one of the most popular was * The Communist Manifesto.' In addition, many branches printed their own local papers, and at one time there were over 50 of these in existence. Then, too, there were between 10 and 15 privately owned papers which supported the Socialist Party. The most important of the free public schools established by the party was situated at Nanking. This school had an attendance of over eight hundred. Free public kindergartens were also established by the party. 

A very curious part of the party organization was the Socialist Opera and Orchestra Company. The woman's organization had for its main work the furthering of the agitation for woman suffrage.

Labour Movement Martyr's

The Socialist September 1914
Socialist Labour Party

"The men who to-day are asking you to fight are responsible for killing many workers by turning the military on them when on strike"

"Is it possible that the workers have forgotten Dublin, Liverpool, Grimsby, Hull, Featherstone etc ?"


The Socialist
September 1914


Its a great shame to date an attempt has not been made to collate the names "Labour Movement Marty's" of those that have died fighting in the British Labour Movement for a better society

Cossor (Highbury) Strike 1949

In 1939 Young women at the Cossor radio factory in Highbury, North London went on strike for 2d an hour wage rise. 

Cossor's had switched to developing radar during the war but had reverted to manufacturing radio sets after the War.

At that time, the company was based in Cossor House which was renamed Ladbroke House. It later formed part of the London Metropolitan University.

Middlesex Civil Defence ARP - Wembley 1942

Middlesex Civil Defence - Wembley Stadium 18th October 1942 

"March Past" 
Hurbert Morrison and Eileen Wilkinson MP

Friday, November 06, 2015

The Nature of the State - Mirage of Elections

The Nature of the State

American United CP - 12 June 1920

In every historical epoque the existing government - the State - has been the organ of coercion used by the ruling class to keep the exploiting class in subjection. The state is the expression of the organised power of the dominant class.

The capitalist society the state is sometimes democratic in appearance. The workers are permitted to take part in elections and seemingly the government is the expression of "the will of the people".
The capitalist government is none the less a class government, the organ of the capitalist for the coercion of the workers.

So long as the capitalists control the power of the newspapers, the poll it, the politicians, schools, and colleges, so long as millions of workers are disenfranchised through racial and residential qualifications and naturalisation laws the capitalists can well afford to allow the workers the empty privilege of periodically voting to confirm their role.

As the class struggle develops more bitter antagonism of the state array itself openly on the side of the capitalists. In every strike the state power is used to coerce the workers. The steel strike the miners strike furnished conspicuous examples of this use of governmental power.

In the control of the state power lies the strength of the capitalist class. The control places at its command the military and the police power of the protection of its class interests. While this power remains in the hands of the capitalists the working class can not achieve its emancipation


Moderate socialism, such as that of the Socialist Party, proposes to secure control of the capitalist state through electing a majority of the legislative and constitutional making bodies, to use the positions that achieved to transform  capitalism. It proposes to capture political power by strict adherence to exactly those constitutional methods which capitalist representative has astutely selected to make their government immune from fundamental change through the popular suffrage

The expulsion of socialist assembly members at Albany and expulsion of socialist councilman in Cleveland during the War indicate how summarily the capitalists get rid of elected officials who even in the least degree challenge the capitalist dictatorship

Program of the United Communist Party (America)  12 June 1920
The Communist

Rail Rank & File - A Short History 1900-1917


Railway workers notes
L. Ever

Before the 20th century railwaymen were considered to be the most submissive section of the wage workers.

While miners and engineers had strikes the railroad workers seemed content to rub along without causing the employers much trouble.

One reason for this was because of the intense sectionalism which prevailed in the railway service. Due to the different grades of skilled and unskilled higher and lower, they developed fiercely jealousies regarding promotion and wages.

Section is with its inherent strife's enabled the railroad bosses to inaugurate an infamous system of discipline and servitude.

Recruiting as they did most of their employees from poorly paid agricultural districts, this fact, in conjunction with sectional jealousy explains why the Railmen were the lowest paid wage slaves in the country. It is also, with the exception of mining the most dangerous occupation in the world of industry. For some time casualties have averaged 2,500 per annum and, of which 500 have been fatal.

It is certain that these deaths and injuries were mainly caused by the lack of safety appliances which are the bosses refused to provide. The only safety appliances introduced have been those forced by the agitation of the men, although the number of train disasters may also have induced the employers to introduce safer methods in order to save their own skins

With the opening of the 20th century and the gradual rise in prices, without any commensurate increase in wages, the railroad workers became restless. With the intensification after we all by the introduction of a larger engines and heavier trains with the introduction of larger signal boxes and complicated signalling instruments, the men were driven to revolt. 

Thus in 1906 a national programme was drawn up, a program we are more than a modest demands to recommend it, and was presented to the railroad directors, who refused to countenance it. That program could have been won but for the tragic and wavering policy of the leaders. Instead of listening to the unanimous voice of the workers, the leaders listened to the arch schemer - Lloyd George. He persuaded the leaders to accept one of his most transparent frauds, the Conciliation Scheme.

The scheme was workable. Under each of the men chafed and writhed. Slowly and surely the seeds of discontent were spreading. The climax was reached in 1911 when the rank and file broke out in open revolt and came out on strike. The strike was an attack upon the profits of Capital, and it was then Asquith promised to lend the state powers, the troops, etc to the railroad directors. That threat was met defiantly by the men. But where the bloody intentions of Asquith failed, the scheming wiles of the cunning and hypocritical Lloyd George succeeded. Once again the leaders betrayed, once again the Labour MPs demonstrated their timidity, and once again the Conciliation Scheme was accepted with amendments. But amendments mean nothing to pay days.

While all the railway workers may not have learned the real nature of their class position in society, the men are much clearer cited now than they were in 1906 or 1911. This is due to the presence of a new driving force in the shape of the educational classes at each of which scientific socialism is propagated. The fusion of three of the railway workers trade unions which resulted in the formation of the present National Union of Railwaymen in 1913 has assisted a little in unifying the aims of the railroad men.

Due to the activity of alert workers, the NUR has been compelled to open its ranks to all wage earners, irrespective of sex, employed in the railroad industry. The result is that the membership of the NUR has gone up to 370,000.

When the war broke out the men were on the point of again presenting their national programme. The leaders, however with out the consent of the rank and file, entered into another agreement with the Government which tied up the men for the duration of the war.

The rank and file demanded termination of this truce, but the demand was ignored by the leaders. The growing opposition to the NEC resulted in obtaining a war bonus in order to quieten the men. The attitude of the railwaymen towards the Government and the directors explains why the state stepped in and assumed control of the railways.

It was done to help the directors to beat the men. We recommend this point to those labourists who still pin their faith in state control. The present arrangements were not made by the rank and file. Thus it is well to remember this when J.H Thomas urges us to keep his agreements. And true to his past and chequered career this right honourable gentleman beseeches us to practice sacrifice, whilst the shippers, food exporters, and others are using our hunger to make profits. J.H.Thomas is incapable of understanding the Labour problem scientifically. He is the personification of a cheap and sinister emotionalism. He has moved only on the measure that the rank and file have pushed him. Unless he wakens up to the growing unrest in the NUR he may get a push some day which will land him outside the organisation.

There are many problems arising with the NUR regarding our women comrades and regarding the big railway shops at Derby, Eastleigh etc which the NUR leaders are unable to comprehend and settle. Many strikes have taken place. These will increase in future.

Within the NUR there is a splendid work for the industrial unionists. Let us, who understand what real unionism of the workers means, renew our efforts and give the NUR a revolutionary objective. Let us create a method for spreading the literature of industrial unionism among the members. Let us get in touch with the activities of those who are doing the same among the dockers and the miners. And let us, in a word consolidate our efforts so as to create the firment of revolution among the workers. By these means we will be able to show that industrial unionism does not seek to enter into agreements with capital, Barthes declared his intentions of linking up industrially with all wage earners to take and hold the means of production.

Let all railwaymen buy this paper and read it it shows what is happening among the workers and helps to guide the struggle. It is the paper we have been waiting for.

The Socialist - Socialist Labour Party

December 1917

By L.Ever