
Picture of MP's First British Labour Government 1924
Please click on photo to enlarge
A site dedicated to the history of the "Progressive" working people of Hayes - A Peoples History Hayes Peoples History
The Web of English History
http://www.historyhome.co.uk/peel/trade-us/bywater.htm
Derek Bywater sent me the following information and the images of his great-great grandfather and the certificate. My thanks to him.
Mr Derek Bywater says:—
William Bywater, his second wife, Charlotte, and their son, Henry.
William Bywater was a secretary in the ASE in 1850 and there is a very interesting blog on him Hayes peoples history. We have in our possession the presentation certificate [see below] and the wallet given to him when he retired in 1913. His father, Thomas Bywater, was a clothmaker in Woodhouse Leeds. He was born about 1810. William started his adult life as a blacksmith; he married and had two sons. When his wife died he moved to Bridgwater leaving his sons living with his father back in Leeds. William remarried and moved onto Nine Elms London where my grandfather {Henry, pictured above] was born. I do have all the history but some parts are missing I just wished my father had told me more. My father was a trade unionist as was I: I was in the NGA since I was a compositor by trade (now obsolete) more's the pity.
The following information is from the Hayes Peoples Blog
Amalgamated Society of Engineers (Southall) 1913
At a meeting of Southall branch of the Amalgamated Society of Engineers (ASE) (later Amalgamated Engineering Union (AEU) held at Northcote Arms, Southall smoking concert occasion presentation of an award of merit
Mr Cantwell Presided
Mr Donkinson Executive member
Mr Dumbleton Branch secretary
For a larger image, click here
Mr William Bywater related a life long experience in connection with trade unionism. His stewardship commenced in 1850 in the employ of the Railway Foundry at Leeds, where he was apprenticed as smith, twelve months before the forming of the Society of Engineers. It was from that foundry the first fast express engine, the Jenny Lind went out. At the time of such locomotive taking the iron road he listened to the discussions of the advocates of trade unionism. and subsequently became one of its earliest members. He considered himself one of the ideal trade unionists. His shop was one of the finest trade unionist shops of that day, some 62 years ago when he joined as trade unionist at the age of nearly 21 years. He stood before them as a man over 80.
He had fulfilled two secretaryships, first at Leeds and secondly at Bridgwater in 1874. He had been through all the battles of trade unionism. He played an important part in the boilermakers strike at Leeds in 1866, and at Bridgwater in later years. On each occasion his Executive Council enabled him to get the workers back to their employment. In those days he was a man who stuck up for his employer. He did so because the firms were in the right and his fellow-workers in the wrong. He considered the object of an ideal trade unionist was to support the party which was in the right, and this he did in his day by upholding the employers of labour, and on each occasion he received the support of his Society at head-quarters.
He thanked the Amalgamated Society of Engineers for having founded such an excellent excellent institution which provided him with ampler means of comfortable subsistence in old age and kept him out of the poor house. When old age was creeping on with weakened intellect and diminished strength he was in a position to thank god for the provision which his Society had secured .He appreciated the gifts presented to him
At the conclusion of his remarks Mr Bywater was greeted with the singing of “He’s a jolly good fellow”
A peculiar coincidence in connection with Mr Bywater is the fact that he was formerly a blacksmith and had three uncles who were blacksmiths and he himself was known as “Uncle” to the members of the Amalgamated Society of Engineers (ASE)
In full appreciation of these facts the Chairman followed by singing the “Village blacksmith” the ringing and clanging being rhythmically taken up by the brothers in the Lodge.
The illuminated ASE address presented to Mr Bywater [see above] bore the following inscription:—
“Amalgamated Society of Engineers (Sectional Societies amalgamated 1857) present to Brother William Bywater of Southall branch by special resolution of the Executive Council for faithful services in the capacity of Branch secretary and other branch officers extending over 57 years.
Dated December 1913 Signed Robert Young, Amalgamated Society of Engineers (ASE) General Secretary.
Still achieving, still pursuing Learn to labour and to wait”




Ambulance workers enjoyed unprecedented levels of public support during the six-month dispute as opinion polls found more than four out of five people consistently backed the unions.
Successive Gallup polls for the Daily Telegraph found even a majority of Conserative voters felt Health Secretary Kenneth Clarke should come up with more cash as he took the brunt of the blame for the disruption to patient services.
Electors said they would even be prepared to pay a little more income tax to fund a deal, while other health service staff, including nurses, disclosed that they would not demand an equal pay rise if ambulance crews and control room staff were awarded more than the going rate.
Such sympathy was evident daily by the millions of pounds that filled the buckets
thrust forward by the ubiquitous, fluorescent-jacketed ambulance staff that became as much a part of shopping centres as Boots and McDonalds.
TUC General Secretary Norman Willis told how would-be queue-jumpers were ordered to the back of the line while he waited patiently to add his name (no doubt again) to the record-breaking petition.
All good stuff for the unions but, of course, it was never ordained to be so, as prevous disputes involving NHS workers in the 1970s and early 1980s demonstrated.
This time round the five unions involved COHSE, NUPE, TGWU, NALGO and GMB — paved the way for their own success by breaking new ground with a slick public relations campaign that went further than any previously used by a workforce during a dispute.
The initiative was seized with a strategy that had its effect on the wider world of statements and actions worked out, instead of merely addressing the troops, and realised the importance of newspaper, radio and TV in getting a message across.
Once a groundswell of public opinion had been generated, every opportunity was taken to portray the crews and not the Government as the patient's friend and to hammer home a simple message.
Initiatives were repeatedly launched to make the running rather than merely provide reaction which, by staying one step ahead, often wrong-footed the Government and kept the Departmental of Health on the defensive for much of the time.
Frequent press conferences, a national demonstration, the petition, a quarter-hour of action and even a hunger strike kept the dispute in the public eye when it might have been forgotten.
The unity displayed by the five unions and the absence of what for the NHS used to be traditional in-fighting, rivalry and factionalism allowed a united front to be displayed which forced journalists to look towards the Government for splits and divisions.
In that vein, tasks were allocated to avoid repetition and confusion. NUPE's Roger Poole, the chief negotiator, became the public voice and was constantly in the media, modelling a new hair cut and a businessman's suit to look as well as sound the part.
Meanwhile, COHSE's Bob Abberley beavered away behind the scenes in Parliament to put crucial political pressure on Ministers which was as important.
Several years ago everyone would have been clamouring to appear on TV as they jockeyed for status and, no doubt, future members. Now a trio of those involved, COHSE, NUPE and NALGO, could end up merging — partly as a result of the demonstration that they can work together.
The two immediate goals of the dispute
— a substantial pay rise and new pay machinery — were constantly pressed home in simple, relevant terms by the unions, while other issues such as local bargaining and privatisation which the public would either not understand or have less sympathy with were left in the background.
Opinion polls showed that the ambulance worker-supporting public did not know what the Government's offer was or how the pay mechanism demanded would work. But what they did believe was that crews were worth more, and the new system would just about rule out future industrial action.
The employers, on the other hand, varied their official spokesman between Kenneth Clarke, NHS chief executive Duncan Nichol, and David Rennie, who chairs the employers' side on the Whitley Council negotiating body, with the result that apparent differences of opinion were interpreted as splits.
In many respects the unions' public relations campaign set a model for others to follow and established standards by which they will be judged in the future.
The strategy was not entirely new, although the effective use of the latest communications technology which meant Poole and Abberley could always be reached for an instant quote did break new ground.
After all. National Union of Railwaymen General Secretary Jimmy Knapp
projected himself very successfully last summer as the passengers' friend in the confrontation with BR over pay and bargaining rights by hammering home a simple message and making it relevant to the wider travelling public rather than limiting the dispute to the interests of his members.
And the Confederation of Shipbuilding and Engineering Unions hired a PR firm with close links to the labour movement to get their message across in the shorter working week campaign.
But the five national negotiators, dubbed the "famous five" for the way they often appeared together and even started wearing matching overcoats, took PR a significant step further.
The dispute was right for the tactics. Ambulance workers had a reasonable it not a good case and have a high public profile because of the life-and-death nature of the job. The timing of the dispute was also right in that the polls had already started to move against the Government, which the unions were able to capitalise on.
Flashing blue lights and 999 sirens provided excellent TV pictures in particular and the service has something of a glamorous image for outsiders.
Further, crews used to dealing with the public in high-pressure situations adapted
well to the glare of TV lights and, judging by the number of local stunts launched,
actually liked the media attention.
Running a similar campaign on behalf of other low-paid groups such as ancillary workers — however deserving — will not be as easy. But the lessons are there and should be learnt.
Splits and in-fighting in the union camp would have been reported. Violent picketing and clashes with the police would have made attention-grabbing TV pictures. Disputes will be covered in the form they occur. It's up to the unions how they want to run their campaigns, but if it's public opinion they want on their side, they could do worse than copy the ambulance workers.
Kevin Maguire is the Daily Telegraph labour correspondent.
He writes here in a personal capacity.
COHSE Journal May 1990
NOTES
In my experience, this was undoubtedly one of the best led strikes in the NHS, the ability to use the media and the discipline of local Ambulance union reps and members was key to winning and maintaining public support.
The hub of the dispute was undoubtedly London and West London in particular most notably Park Royal, Feltham, Twickenham and Hillingdon ambulance stations.
Crews in Birmingham, Merseyside and Dorset were also very strong
The tactic of slowly increasing pressure on employer (overtime bans, emergencies only etc) forced the management in frustration to effectively “lock out” ambulance staff by refusing to send any calls to these stations and bring in the Army.
The Crews responded by occupying the ambulance stations as they did at Hillingdon, the management being forced to issue injunctions, but with little effect.
Elsewhere, in the country, Ambulance management in many areas did not follow London’s tactics and the crews remained at work, allowing them to secure even more support and money for those “locked out”.
Nine weeks into the dispute the Health Service Journal reported that an estimated 27 out of 44 ambulance services were operating a 999 only service.
Kenneth Clarke’s remarks that ambulance workers were little more than “professional drivers” totally incensed the crews.
On January l3th 1990 75,000 attended a TUC national demonstration in support of the ambulance workers and on 30th January a day of solidarity, when South London bus drivers came out on strike.
While the dispute was not a total success, the public was confident the unions had rightly won and gave a big fillip of confidence to NHS trade unionists.
Roger Poole was an excellent public speaker and with a CP background understood the need to keep both the public and the members on side. Bob Abberley became know as “Rogers bag carrier” and Jeanette Roe COHSE Regional Officer did Stirling work with Pete Marshall COHSE Regional Secretary in galvanising COHSE members in London.
As the ambulance service had been initially part of Local Government( London County Council) most staff in London were members of NUPE 70-80%. However COHSE had from 1964 built up a small but significant membership based around the leadership of Bill Dunn at Hanwell, West London (The other key COHSE branch being at Park Royal)
The Ambulance dispute started October 1989 – March 1990 and lasted six months
The Great Ambulance petition secured 4.5 million signatures
The Ambulance Strike 1989-1990