The Struggle of the Spanish People
Dress Rehearsal for World War

By Harry Pollitt
World News & Views August 1958

Much of what has been written in this series of memories about Spain, appeared at the actual time of my visits to that country in the "Daily Worker", and thanks are due to the Editor for permission to reprint them in the edited form in which they now appear.

Unfortunately the whole situation which ended with the temporary defeat of the Spanish Republican Government at the hands of Franco, Mussolini and Hitler, fully backed by the policy of the Chamberlain Government in particular, turned out quite differently from what I anticipated when some of the articles were written. Nevertheless, nothing can ever dim the heroism and sacrifice of the Republican and democratic people of Spain or the magnificent support they received from the International Brigade and all democratic and peace-loving mankind.

The events in Spain from 1936 to 1938 were meant by Hitler and Mussolini, to be a dress rehearsal for their organisation and carrying through of the Second World War. British and French reaction hoped fervently that by supporting Franco, they would save Britain and France from being involved in direct war with the two fascist gangsters. Hitler and Mussolini.

We know only too well now how the actual events turned out, and what a terrible price had to be paid by the peoples of France and Britain for this pro-fascist policy.

Few events in our lifetime have evoked such a splendid international support and response as was the case during the Spanish war. I personally have never known public feeling to be so roused as it was in Britain at that time. The meetings of all kinds were very successful. The work of collecting money and goods and medical supplies for Spain received tremendous support, and this support came from all sections of the community who were deeply aroused by the magnificent fight of the Spanish people and their own fears and hatred of fascism.

Outstanding was the epic struggle and sacrifice of the British Battalion of the International Brigade. It is a story that ought never to be forgotten by the Labour movement in particular, and it certainly did more to restore the honour of Britain than any other event of the Spanish war.

The British Battalion

The Battalion took part in many battles and won for itself the proudest name in the International Brigade and it was an everlasting honour to have been connected in any way with it. I refrain from mentioning the names of comrades because it would be invidious now to single out names from this gallant company, but we will never cease to pay our tribute to all who formed the British Battalion of the International Brigade, won for it such glorious laurels in battle, endured hardships, and shared its successes and defeats alike. The orrganisation of the British Battalion, getting its members to Spain, supporting the dependants of the comrades, was a truly gigantic task. Small wonder that some misunderstandings and mistakes took place. But these were nothing to the work as a whole that the British Battalion did while it was in Spain.

Its memory will live for ever and provide one of the noblest pages in the history of the British Labour movement.

I went to visit the British Battalion five times and visited every part of Spain its members were in—at the battle front, behind the lines, in training camps and in hospitals, and it was a great honour and privilege to meet the comrades in all these varied circumstances as I did.

It is true that the democratic people and government of Spain were defeated. but never has the struggle against Franco ceased for a single day.. The deeds of the Spanish people who have taken part in this activity, and particularly those of the Communist Party of Spain, will never be forgotten and one day it will all prove successful. Franco will become completely defeated and the cause of the Spanish people will again triumph for ever.

On the first occasion it was decided that I should go to visit the British Battalion in January 1937, we had just had news that it had been in its first big battle at Jarama. I went to the headquarters of the International Brigade, where I met comrades from many countries who were on the staff, and they got me in touch

with Peter Kerrigan, who was in Valencia. They sent for Peter, and the next morning we set off for Morata to see the British Battalion.

Appeal for unity

Following that first visit, I addressed a meeting in the Friends Meeting House in March 1937, and the following are extracts from the speech I made at that meeting. . ,

"Is it possible to have a civil war for a matter of eight months without that posing the most urgent questions with relation to economic, political and now military situations in the world? Especially since Spain is predominantly agricultural, with no great basis of heavy industry which can allow it to produce its own munitions of war.

"It is this which adds to the gravity of the decisions which the international conference, meeting in London tomorrow and on Thursday, will have to take. believe that the leaders of that international conference, especially the leaders of the British Labour movement, stand in an unenviable position; because they have had the power that could long ago have brought complete victory to

Republican Spain. Westminster, demanding that the Conference repudiate non-intervention, strengthen the International Brigade, and demand the right for the Spanish Government to obtain arms.

"Every one of you should do this, and then 2,000 telegrams or postcards will go to the Central Hall, where the Conference is being held; it will have a tremendous political effect upon that Conference. Telegram boys will be mobilised to take telegrams all day to the Central Hall."Our boys are doing their bit. Our British Battalion of over 600 strong is now no more than 200. The rest of the comrades are either killed or wounded.

"Last Saturday morning the boys had a rest out of the firing line. These 200 got together in a little church, and I stood in what might have been meant for the pulpit, and I addressed these comrades.

"There wasn't a whine, a word of reproach. Not a comrade who said he would like to get back. There was a feeling of pride that they had been chosen to have held the most important sector of the fight that has saved Madrid.

"They have done it with heavy losses. Our Party has lost some of its best fighting men in the struggle. But they will never die. Their names will live for ever.

They represent the flower of the British people. They represent a people whohave redeemed the honour of the British Labour movement, who have removed from it that stain placed on its name by the Citrines and the Bevins.

"Those men are great men. They have done things the like of which has never been heard of before. "The boys, after two weeks', fighting, with all the losses they had sustained, were brought out of the firing line for a rest. The word came that Franco had launched a counter-attack. The British Battalion was asked would it go, in spite of its losses, back into the line. Would it re-form its ranks and try to hold that counter-attack?

"Those 200 boys went back into the fighting line and prevented the counterattack from being successful.

"Everybody in authority in the Spanish Government and the International Brigade pays the highest tribute to them. "Not a man who went there was promised a penny. I give the lie to the abominable slanders appearing in the capitalist press. They knew that they faced death in Spain. Not a man was promised any financial award: everyone was a genuine volunteer and understood what he was going out to "These boys, when they come back, will be leaders of our movement. Theywill not be content with disunity.

In the hospital

"At two o'clock on Sunday morning I went through a great hospital. I walked right through ward after ward, and at one ward I thought I recognised one of the comrades sleeping.

"I turned back the cover and saw a man whose face I knew, a Labour Party comrade from West London who had thrown up a very good job to go out. "He woke up and saw me standing there. 'I'm alright' he said. I asked him, 'What's the matter with you?' 'Oh, nothing's the matter'. But I turned down the cover and saw that his arms had been shot off from the shoulder.

"Another chap, a member of the Y.C.L. in Dundee, was obviously dying. He asked me for a pencil and paper, and wrote this little note: 'Please send my watch to my mother. Long Live the Y.C.L.!'

"And in another bed was the then leader of the Communist Party in London. A bullet had gone through his cheek. I shook him, and when he awoke, the first words he said were 'Gawd blimey! Is it you? What's the result of the L.C.C. Elections?'

"How can they say we are not sincere when we have sent our best comrades out to the International Brigade? "If they can have unity there, on the battlefields, why can't we have it here? Do you think they would stand for this? Their lives are consecrated now to unity. Because if there had not been unity in Spain, Spain would already have been a fascist colony."

General Strike 1926 A-Z

A is for ALL. ALL OUT and ALL WIN,
And down with the blacklegs and scabs who stay in.
B is for Baldwin, the Bosses' Strong Man,
But he's welcome to dig all the coal that he can.
C is for Courage the workers have shown,
Class Conscious and Confident that they'll hold their own
D is for DOPE that the Government spread -
Dishwash for Duncos and Dubbs - "nufsed."
E is for Energy that will carry us through,
Everyone class-conscious, steadfast and true
F is for Fight, our fight to the end,
For we're solid together, not an inch will we bend
G is for Grab-all, the bosses, you know,
Greedy and grasping, one day they must go.
H is for Hardship, we all must endure;
However, keep smiling, for Victory is sure.
I is for Interest, Profits and Rent.
Into the pockets of the Indolent.
J is for Jix, the stirrer of strife,
Just waiting the chance to have your life.
K is for knife that is wielded by Jix,
Keep yourselves orderly and frustrate his tricks.
L is for London where the T.U.C. meet,
Leading the workers the bosses to beat.
M is for Miners, for whose rights we must fight,
Maintaining the cause which we know to be right,
N is for Natsopa, who stopped dope from the Boss,
Narking Churchill and Jix, so Baldwin was cross.
O is for O.M.S., the scabbing patrol;
Oh! how they are working, digging the Coal!!
P is for pickets on guard at the gates,
Pulling up blacklegs who scab on their mates.
Q is for Quandary the Government's in,
Quite certain now the workers will win.
R is for Railways that won't run alone,
Ready for workers to run as their own.
S is for Solidarity that is winning our fight;
Stick well together, for Victory's in sight.
T is for Taximen joined in the fray,
Troubling the blacklegs to walk all the way.
U is for Unity, each one for all,
United we stand till the Government fall.
V is for Victory, of which we are sure,
Vanquishing the bosses for evermore.
W is for Workers' Wages and hours,
We are nearing the day when control is ours.
X is for eXit the whole boss class -
Xtra enjoyment for me and my lass.
Y is for Young Workers to whom fighting is new;
Yes, Young, but determined to fight with you.
Z is for Zeal shown by the Vigilance Corps,
Zealous that workers aren't trapped by the law.


(Source: The St. Pancras Strike Bulletin, 10 May 1926)

Charles Duncan MP - Workers Union

Charles Duncan (1865-1933)
Workers Union and Labour Member of Parliament

Mr. Charles Duncan's easy victory over Liberals of both brands in the Clay Cross Division of Derbyshire brought back to Parliament, after four years' absence a man who has won a high and special place in the trade union movement.

As Member for Barrow-in-Furness from 1906 to 1918, he took a notable part in the industrial controversies of that period, and served his party ably as a Whip.

In 1920 he unsuccessfully contested the Wrekin Division at two by-elections within 10 months.

Trade Unionism as a whole is indebted to Mr. Duncan for his achievements as a pioneer in the organisation of unskilled workers. Yet his own experience as a manual worker was in a skilled trade. At Middlesbrough, where he was born 57 years ago in 1865, he served his time as an engineer and later worked at Elswick works, Newcastle, and he is till a member of the Amalgamated Enginnering Union (A.E.U) (Former President of Maylebone brnach of the AEU)

In 1895 although unemployed himself he organised relief for the unemployed.

During his young manhood he became a Middlesborough Councillor and Guardianthe results of earlier efforts to establish Trade Unionism among agricultural workers seemed to have spent their force. The decadence which he perceived aroused in him a true missionary zeal.

The Workers' Union, of which he was first president, soon had 2,000 members, and won an advance of 2s. a week (from 13s. or 14s) in farm wages(The Workers Union was strong in Lincolnshire, Shropshire and lancashire). To-day, the Workers Union is one of the largest and strongest unions in the country. For 24 years Mr. Duncan has been its general secretary.(taking over from Tom Mann who had departed for Australia)

He is practically a life-long Co-operator, joining a society on his wedding-day (or there abouts). Since then he has been president of the Willesden Co-operative Society.

In his younger days he won many prizes for cycle racing and road racing. Though not a “pussyfoot” he has been an abstainer all his life It, perhaps is curious that a leader of labourers should be one of the best dressed men in the House of Commons, but such is the fact.

Charles Duncan MP Died 1933

Source: The Herald Book of Labour Members 1923

The Workers Union

Workers Union RulesPREFACE 1909

Trade Unionism has arrived at a state of development when a new departure is called for. For three-quarters of a century the Unions of Britain have been the agencies whereby the workers have endeavoured to improve their position.

The good work accomplished by them cannot be over-estimated, but with the rapid development of huge capitalistic monopolies, with the growth of Syndates and Trusts of an internationalic character, the Trade Unions are gradually losing the power they once had.

The limitations of sectional Trade Unionism, such as we have been familiar with, are observable both to the plain matter-of-fact workman and to the student of economics ; and even the Federation of existing Unions, good as this would be, would not very materially change matters for the better. The most reliable statistics show that of the seven millions of men, and three millions of women workers, only one and a half millions belong to the existing Unions.

This is wholly accounted for by the indifference of the workers to Trade Unionism. But a more important point still is the fact, every day more and more recognised, that the workers have allowed the capitalist class to monopolise political power, and have refused to use their Unions to fight their battles as workers on political as well as on ordinary Trade Union lines. Separate organisations for political purposes have been called into existence, but what is wanted is the full recognition that a genuine workers' organisation should be able, willing and determined to fight by all available means, and a Union finding itself called upon to fight the capitalists by strike, etc., should be equally ready to fight them by the right use of political machinery.

Again, it is in the highest degree necessary to break down the feeling of caste, all too prevalent between the various grades of workers classed as skilled and unskilled, and whilst an effective Union must be ready to deal specifically with
the necessities of any special section, great good will follow upon the consolidation of all Trade Union forces.

The Workers' Union, therefore, will carry out all the essential characteristics of a real live trade organisation, seeking to adjust wages, working hours, and other working conditions, wherever and whenever possible and desirable, by quiet negotiation, and if need be, and good sense justifies, to strike to enforce the same, but the Union will not rely chiefly upon such methods, but will and hereby does openly and unmistakably declare in favour of political organisation for

the enforcement through and by means of Parliament such measures as are deemed essential to help on the realization of a collectivist State.

The workers in every country in Europe are rapidly organising with the same object in view, and methods that may have served for the conditions previously in this country a generation ago will not serve now. The Workers' Union, therefore, is both a Trade Union and a political organisation on independent lines. It will form no alliances with orthodox political parties.

We hold to the principle that, whilst we declare clearly what our goal is, we shall at the same time concentrate attention upon a given number of measures most suitable to the times, and which may be added to by a Referendum of, the members. Politically, the objects of the Workers' Union are :—

The organisation of the workers for the purpose of raising the standard of life, and the ultimate realisation of an Industrial Commonwealth.

The irreducible minimum political programme of the Union is as follows :— .

1. The Eight Hours day.

2. Provision of work for all unemployed.

3. Raising the age when children shall be allowed to go to work to fourteen years.

4. State pensions for all.

5. Adult Suffrage,

The Union will not support any candidate who declines to

endorse and work for these measures. In the event of all candidates, in any constituency, accepting the above minimum programme, the Union will then press for the inclusion of the -Nationalisation of the Railways; and should this be accepted by all, the Union will then demand the Nationalisation of the Land and the means of Production, Distribution and Exchange.

By the vigorous advocacy of such principles, and the effective application of such a policy, we shall "be able to do much to stamp out poverty and to usher in the glorious time when all children, all women, and all men shall have an abundance of life's essentials, when all shall do their share of work, and become thereby entitled to the results thereof.

Workers Union President:Councillor Robert Morley (Iron-moulder from Halifax)

Workers Union General Secretary: Charles Duncan MP

Register Number 1157

Workers Union Head Office:

16 Agincourt Road, Hampstead, London N.W.

General fund (subscription rate) 3d per week

Entrance Fee 1/-

BENEFITS

Strike Benefit 10/- per week

Sick Benefit 3d per week

Out of Work 3d per week

NOTES
Robert Morley - Workers Union President was a Socialist and Iron-moulder from Halifax

George Kerr, Workers Union Scottish Organising Secretary elected as a Labour councillor for Cowlais ward, Glasgow in  a by election 13 January 1914 - address given as 33 Esmond Street (this could be his home, ILP or Workers union address). It was noted in Glasgow Herald 14 January 1914 that George Kerr had previously served three years as a councillor on Partick Town Council

George Dalls MP - Workers Union

George DallasLondon Organiser of the Workers Union

Born 6th August 1878 in Glasgow Scotland In his youth George Dallas was a miner, later he moved to London to work for a coal merchant, He returned to Scotland and became Secretary of the Independent Labour Party (ILP) in Scotland between 1908 and 1912

In 1912 he took a job with the National Federation of women workers (union) in London but soon moved to become the London organiser of the Workers Union. He contested Maldon in Essex in 1918 and 1922 and Roxburgh & Selkirk in 1923 and was briefly Member of Parliament for Wellingborough in the Midlands

He moved to Welyn Garden City in 1922

Died 4th January 1961

The Workers Union

THE WORKERS UNION

The Workers Union was established by Tom Mann in 1898 as a new union to cater for semi-skilled workers in the Engineering Industry.

Despite a early haphazard recruitment pattern, The Workers Union ability to organise in the new "mass production" factories would eventually secure its position as one of largest union in the county.
However, in 1910 the Workers Union had just four branches in London with a combined membership of just one hundred, while nationally the union had 5,000 members, mainly in South Wales, Glasgow, Sheffield, Derby and Birmingham.
In 1913 The Workers Union General Secretary Charles Duncan, appointed its first London full time organiser, George Dallas, a Scottish Socialist (later MP)
It was with the massive expansion in armaments factories necessitated by the start of World war One that allowed the Workers Union to organise.

Within one year of the outbreak of the War over seventy percent of workers in industry were employed in Government war contracts, by 1918 it had risen to ninety percent.
The Hayes factories in West Middlesex, switched production from consumer goods to munitions, and new huge munitions factories built with towering chimneys.

By December 1913 the local Advertiser newspaper was recording that "It is safe to say that the majority of Botwell workers now belong to one union or another".

From 1915 onwards compulsory arbitration under the Munitions Acts forced all mayor employers to recognise the unions and this helped propel the Workers Union into the largest union in the country.

Workers Union growth in North London was spectacular, most notably at Enfield. But the union also established several strong West London branches, by far the largest factory being Waring & Gillow at White City, who produced tents and gas masks. It was at Waring & Gillow that a four day strike by mainly women workers secured Workers Unuion recognition.

Young male and female workers along with Belgium refugees flooded into the Hayes factories to replace the male workers called up into the army. We know that it was thanks to the efforts of Douglas Page a beltman who arrived in Hayes in 1914 that the Workers Union was established in Hayes.

We also know that Belgium workers at the Army Lorry Company had joined the Workers Union at the beginning of the War and that they were (despite the threat of conscription into the Belgium army) involved in a brief strike in the factory in 1915. The Workers Union even established a special section for Belgium workers under the leadership of Jan Chapelle (Belgium Metal workers union), which had at it's height 5,000 members.
But it was undoubtedly it was due to the energetic endeavours of the local Workers Union full time organiser Frank Rosenberg (he also seems to be involved at Slough) that three branches of the Workers Union were established in Hayes by 1918. The strongest branch of the Workers Union in Hayes being headed by Douglas Page another by Mr E Roberson Hayes No 3 branch.

Frank Rosenberg in August 1918 stated
"To anybody who did not belong to a union, he would say that they were failing in their duty towards the men who were fighting in France and Flanders. When they came back they would ask those that had stayed at home what they had done to better the present conditions of things" They heard of strikes, said Frank Rosenberg and people blamed the unions for them. But there was not one union in the country that agitated for a strike for a mere business point of view it is not to the advantage of unions to have strikes, because during that period the members have to be paid strike pay. Strikes were caused by bad wages and the conditions under which workers labour"

Another regular visitor to Hayes was Miss Florence Saward, one of the very first full time women union officials (Saward was the daughter of a farm Labourer from Braintree Essex). Saward became a Workers Union organiser in Essex and Suffolk around 1913 and was involved in the 12 day Braintree Courtaulds Silk Mill girls strike in November 1913 and the Witham Silk Glove girls strike which started on 27th February 1919

The Workers Union would go on to amalgamate into the Transport & General Workers Union (TGWU) in 1929, which in itself would become such a powerful voice for the working people of Hayes.

D.M.A. Page - Workers Union, Hayes
Douglas Page was born in Hammersmith in 1884 and was by 1901 employed as an oil works labourer, he moved to Hayes in 1914 and became a beltman in the local factories. By 1918 he was branch Secretary of Hayes branch of the Workers Union. Page began employment at His Master Voice (HMV later EMI) in 1924. As the founder of the Workers Union branch in Hayes he was honoured in 1957 by his union, becoming a life member of the Transport & General Workers Union (TGWU) signed, personally by Frank Cousins.
He was active in Hayes Lab

our party and was first elected to Hayes & Harlington Council as a Labour Councillor in 1924, representing both East and South Wards. He was Chairman of the council 1937-1938 and on Coronation day he opened the new station bridge in Hayes.

In 1940 he was appointed Justice of the Peace.

His wife Mrs Page was a founder member of the Hayes Maternity & Welfare Committee and represented the Labour Party on Middlesex County Council Education Committee for 26 years

(Photo Right above Watford branch of the Workers Union, banner and Miss Florence Saward centre)

By Michael Walker 2008

NOTES
The Isle of Man branch of the Workers Union (later Transport & General Workers Union TGWU) was established by Alfred "Alf" Teare a Printer in March 1917 by the end of 1918 it had over one thousand members covering all industries.

The Workers' Union in 1918 had the following officers on the Isle of Man;Douglas Secretary- Alfred James Teare, Crosby Terrace; R

ushen Secretary- R. Leece, The Friary ; Peel Secretary- F. Kinrade, 32 Glenfaba-Road ; Ramsey Secretary- Frank Cain, 2 Marsden Terrace; Laxey Secretary-T. E. Lewin, Dimon Villa.

Th Workers Union on the Isle of Man effectively called a general strike in July 1918, a strike that was largely successful. By 1920 The Workers Union on the island had 3-4,000 members.

Alfred James Teare born at Barrow-in-Furness in 1879, of Manx parentage. Isle of Man Organising Secretary of the Workers' Union since March, 1917 ; Chairman of the Bread Strike Committee of 1918 ; appointed the first w orking-man justice of the Peace, 1919 ; elected to the House of Keys for South Douglas as a Labour Member at the 1919 General Election and returned again, 1924. A Member of the Douglas and District Licensing Court ; of the Isle of Man Advertising Board and of the Workmen's Hospital Committee. Vice-Chairman of the Advisory Committee to the Government on the Demobilization of Soldiers and the Labour Exchange from 1918 until its close. General Secretary of the Manx Labour Party which, in its present form, he was mainly responsible for organising. Has taken a keen interest in local Musical events, and been an active member of Athletic Clubs ; also was a member of the 7th Batt. King's Liverpool Regiment (I.o.M. Volunteers) from 1899 to 1902. Address : 6, Crosby Terrace, Douglas

TGWU Channel Islands

In Jersey on the Channel Islands, the union was establsihed by the Dock, Wharf, Riverside and General Workers Union on 23rd September 1918 (however the Guernsey branch predated this). Ned Moignard was elected President and Jack Hardman as Secretary (until 1932). In 1919 Moignard split from the Dockers Union to form a branch of the Workers Union. However both unions merged nationally to establish the Transport & General Workers Union. By the end of 1921 the TGWU had 5,000 members on Jersey. Between 1932 and 1937 the branch had some rather poor Branch secretaries until the arrival from the mainland of a young Edward Hyman in January 1937

The TGWU was part of the small but honourable Jesey resistance movement against Nazi occupation in the Second World War lead by Communist Norman Le Brocq (Photo)and Les Huelin (Jersey Democratic Movement) printing an undeground trade union newsletter Worker's Review. While Norman Le Brocq was the best known TGWU member and activist on Jersey he was not allowed to hold office by his union because of his Communist Party membership.

Michael Walker 2008

THE NATIONAL AMALGAMATED UNION OF LABOUR - HAYES

GENERAL UNIONS COME TO HAYES

"Not his masters voice, but the workers voice"

THE Nationa AMALGAMATED UNION OF LABOUR (NAUL)

The first general trade union to begin union organisation in the new factories of Botwell, Hayes, West London at the beginning of the twentieth centaury was the National Amalgamated Union of Labour (NAUL).

The Hayes branch of the National Amalgamated Union of Labour was established in September 1911 with a subscription rate of 4d per month, meeting every Friday evening at the Old Crown, Hayes. Middlesex.

Mr T.E. Smith of Gravesend was the National Amalgamated Union of Labour organiser, who began the union drive in the Hayes factory recalled that when he first came to Hayes he had found that the workers “had held aloof from the trade union for fear of being victimised”.

Smith himself had been active in NAUL recruitment on the Clyde in 1911 and was also working on the establishment of a Southall branch of the NAUL.

In September 1911 Joseph N Bell (later Labour MP for Newcastle) spoke to over hundred and fifty men in Clayton Road calling upon them to “combine against capitalism” and W. Watts in January 1913 at Clayton Road schoolstated “In Hayes the future had a bright outlook if only the workers will grasp the weapon within their reach (trade union organisation) there was no time for delay he went on "The meeting in Hayes had been called to show the workers of Hayes the value of organisation, and to give the reason why a living wage (30 shillings a week) cannot be obtained in Hayes without it"

" It was the workers duty and it could be done by them in Hayes,other places had already done it, and they were there that night to convince the hayes workers that they could do it by organsing themselves in a trade union.....In Hayes the future had a bright outlook, if only the workers would grasp the weopon within their reach, there was no time for delay"

T. E. Smith NAUL Organiser stated "there again, there was danger that the men of hayes would be replaced by females, who would work for less wages. But in large industrial centres, Lancashire especially, this could not happen as the workers were organised, and so their trade union stopped it....By joining the trade union they would improve their conditions, and at Hayes, it wanted improving. the whole responsibility rested with themselves"

The NAUL circulated a leaflet around the Hayes area advertising factory gate meetings, one in early 1913 stated

"The Value of Organisation" Come in crowds and hear the truth of why you do not get a living wage in hayes, which is within the London County Council radius. Why remain outside and gamble ? Trust each other and join the union.

The local branch Secretary of the NAULMr W Watt stated "There is no reason why they should not call the local Gramophone factory, not his master voice but the workers voice"

An early test for the union was a strike at the Gramophone works, which erupted in June 1912, when over one hundred men struck. however the strike soon collapsed and non of the men on the original deputation to management got their jobs back.

Another strike took place in June 1913 in the press room at the Gramophone Company in Blythe Road after a wage cut of 3d per hour was imposed, The strike involving over one hundred men and picketing , collapsed when management threatened to sack the strikers, the leaders being dismissed and victimised, Mr T.E Smith of the NAUL heavily criticism those that returned to work. A poem during the strike printed to the local paper gives some insight into conditions faced by the factory workers at Gramophone

Oh dear, oh dear, this awful heat
It nearly suffocates us
If were compelled to stick it long
'twill simply spiflicate us
It didn't seem so 'badly' hot
When we full price, were getting,
But now they've knocked us three pence off
It really is upsetting
We only asked for more fresh air
That we might work the faster
'tis true we struck it several years
But now it's got our master
If they had granted us more air
When we like men applied
We shouldn't have had so much by far
As they've given as now "outside"
Of course it wasn't only air
Alone that we were asking
A few more "extra brads" was what
The "fresh air wheeze" was masking
Still were inclined to try again
Even if our pledge be broken
But we are just a bit afraid
"His master's voice has spoken".

In March 1916 J.A. Seddon MP spoke at a NAUL meeting in Hayes stating that he was "astonished to learn of the low wages some of the girls in the Hayes factories, but was glad tolearn thanks to trade union action a number of special improvements had been secured"

The local National Amalgamated Union of Labour (NAUL) branch Secretary was Mr F.G. Lingard of 9 Neild Road, Hayes

In 1920 The Hayes Branch Secretary of the NAUL was J.C. Haydon of 9 Glebe Road, Hayes, Middlesex. The Hayes NAUL was meeting in 1920 on Fridays at 7:30 at Hayes Restaurant. 

Other local branches included W.A. Taylor of 1 Victoria Cottage, The Green West Drayton meeting at the Kings Head Hotel on alternative Saturdays 7pm. 

W. Johnson 52 Great Road, Brentford meeting at the George the Fourth: and E. Archer 140 Duke Road, Chiswick W4 meeting at the Windmill Hotel: E. Foscali 48 Claxton Grove, Hammersmith meeting at the City Arms.

The NAUL had 44 branches in its London  Thames & Medway District in 1920 (383 nationally) mainly in Kent (especially Northfleet, Gravesend, Dartford area) and East London. 

THE WORKERS UNION

The National Amalgamated Union of Labour would lose its toe hold in the Botwell factories to the Workers Union (later TGWU) towards the end of World War One, thanks to the efforts of Frank Rosenberg the energetic Workers Union full time organiser and the Workers Union local leader Douglas Page. Page was born in Hammersmith in 1884 and came to Hayes in 1914 working as a beltman, he was a founder member of the Workers Union in Hayes, and became the Hayes Workers Union Branch Secretary by the end of World War One.

From 1924 Page he worked at HMV (later EMI) He was also a prominent Labour Councillor from 1924 and a towering figure in the Hayes Labour movement for the next fifty years. While the union he helped establish in Hayes, the Workers Union, later known as the Transport & General Workers Union (TGWU) would come to dominate Hayes for the next ninety years.

The National Amalgamated Union of Labour

The NAUL was established as the Tyneside & District Labourers Union in 1888, It quickly spread along the Tyne and North East waterfronts mopping up in its wake a number of small locally established societies of Scrappers, Painters, Red Leaders, Helpers and other shipyard labourers. By 1890 it boasted 80 branches with a listed membership of 30,937

William Unwin (Financial Secretary), William Stanley and Joseph N Bell (Corresponding Secretary) with A.T. Dipper (General & Organising Secretary) together with six District delegates, But their task was constantly thwarted by strikes and lock-outs, being forced in 1890 to spend 25.18% of income in strike benefits.

The NAUL were soon boasting District organisations in the Clyde, Belfast, Mersey, Sheffield, Thames and Medway together with their more traditional districts in the North East. 

By the time of the 21st Anniversary Celebrations in 1910, by far the largest of the Districts numerically was Sheffield (9,271). Even the combined strength of the three Districts of Newcastle (3,294), Gateshead (1,597), and Mid Tyne (3,080), on which the strength of the union had earlier been centred, could not surpass it. Only Mersey (7,419), London, Thames and Medway (7,874), and Shields & Wear (6,617) could attempt to rival it.

The NAUL had a considerable hold in the cement works along the banks of the Thames. In London some engineering workers were in the N.A.U.L. and it had a few members in the south-west in cement and one or two other industries

From 1917 the NAUL was in discussions with the Workers Union on possible merger, but a loser Federation was established, with a joint executive committee, this loose Federation was joined by the Municipal Employees Association in August 1918 and by 1919 the three union Federation became known as the National Amalgamated Workers Union.

 

However, the NAUL became convinced that the Workers Union was using superior numbers and its full time officers to dominate the Federation, this inflamed local disputes between two unions, this coupled with an economic depression and massive reduction in union members (which hit the Workers Union membership and influence most acutely) led to the Workers Union withdrawing from the Federation in March 1922.

National Amalgamated Union of Labour 

1890 82 branches 30,237 members

1900 177                  21.111

1910 177                  16,017

1911 227                   44,972

1912 236                   49,972

1913 255                  60,003

1914 277                  55,453

1915 287                  70,430

1916 292                   85,836

1917 323                123,627

1918 351                143,931

1919 370                155,220

1920 383                 151,922

* note the huge rise in National Amalgamated Union of Labour membership in 1911, 1913, 1915, and almost doubled in 1917

The NAUL would later join the National Union of General Workers to form the General & Municipal Workers Union , now known as the GMB

NOTE
The National Federation of Women Workers branch secretary was Mrs Hollings of 21 Leonard Road, Southall

Mr T.E. Smith National Union of Labour organiser lived at 183 Old Road, West Gravesend and later (1920) Hillersland, Lennox Road, Gravesend (information on Mr Smith most welcome)

T.E. Smith (JP) was a NAUL Official Delegate, London, Thames & Medway District