The Daily Worker

The Daily Worker (now Morning Star) first edition was printed on January 1st 1930 and the papers head office was at 41 Tabernacle Street, London.

Today, The Morning Star is the only English daily Socialist paper in the world was sold for many years on the Station Bridge, Hayes (daily) and later outside Sainsburys in Hayes town centre on a Saturday. The Daily Worker was also sold outside and inside many of the engineering factories.

At Fairey for example, copies would be placed on the bench of a supporter and workers would come along throughout the day to purchase a copy.

In Uxbridge the Daily Worker (Morning Star) was sold outside Uxbridge underground station.

Given the newspaper distribution companies refused to carry the Daily Worker. Supporter were forced to build an incredible and elaborate network to get the paper to supporter for the morning. This often required early starts to meet allotted trains and long bicycle rides to deliver to households and factories.

The Sunday Worker was started in 1925

Two Saily Worker staff members were killed during the Spanish Civil War, Ralph Fox and Walter "Tappy" Tapsell

ENGINEERING WAGES 1945
Communist Party Memorandum

An eminent legal gentleman recently declared that " the wages structure in the engineering industry is nothing short of crazy." If that is the reaction of an able lawyer, then how much worry and frustration must be caused amongst the thousands of men and women, boys and girls, engaged in the industry, who are quite' unable to work out how much is really due to them..

In-fact the structure of wages payment throughout the whole of the engineering industry is extremely complicated. Ever since the introduction of "war bonuses" during the 1914-18 war, it has become more involved and confusing. From District to National Agreements Wages in engineering have grown up on a district scale. Prior to, 1914, and indeed until 1919, wages, hours and conditions varied from district to district.

Although engineers were paid by the hour, the number of hours worked each week a different factories even within, a district varied so much that the amount of wages per week was the determining factor. The usual working week in those days was 54 hours, but man factories worked less than 54 hours - Nevertheless the weekly wage, the district rate, was not reduced as a consequence.

This weekly wage was divided by the number of hours per-week for the purpose of arriving at the rate per hour, so that lost time and overtime payments could be calculated. Premium payments for overtime, nightshift, Sundays and holidays also varied district by district. Even so the worker knew where he stood. IIf he obtained employment where the District rate was 38/- and the working week 54 hours, he knew that he would receive 38/- for 54 hours' work, and that his hourly rate on which lost time or overtime would be calculated was 38/- divided by 54. During the 1914-18 war period district' rates were slightly improved. War increases were applied nationally. '

They took the form of a war bonus that was added to the district rate. These war bonuses, while being separate from the district rate, were taken into account for the purpose of overtime payments, but not for piece rates- Thus the formula " basic rate, plus national bonus" was first introduced. By this method the employers did not advance any more to pieceworkers than employers did not advance any more to pieceworkers than to timeworkers. So the employers arranged to peg down piecework prices to the basic district rate.

This principle still applies. Piecework prices and all systems of payment by results are related to the basic rates, as for example the national agreement providing that systems of payment by results should be priced so that the workman of average ability should be able to earn a minimum of 27 and a half per cent over the base rate. At that time there were very few national agreements, such as demarcation, trial trips for ships, etc. There were not even national agreements for particular employers or industries covering payments by results, overtime payments, holidays with pay, shift rates. There were not even national agreements with particular employers or industries, such as Imperial Chemical Industries, Flour Millers, and so on.

The only really general national agreement was the " Procedure for the Avoidance of Disputes" (York Memo) and this did not apply to all the Engineering unions. The point to be clearly understood is that up to 1918 the fundamental basis of wages and working conditions was the district agreement- Immediately after the end of the last war a national agreement was reached, on November 19, 1918, establishing a National 47-hour working week without reducing the weekly time rates

An important provision in this agreement was that all the Unions would become parties to the " Procedure for the Avoidance of Disputes." Thereby two important issues became the subject of national agreements. In that post-war period right up to the lock-out of 1922, all districts entered into agreements with the parallel Local Associations of Employers establishing minimum district base rates for skilled workers. In most cases these marked a slight advance on the pre-war and wartime basic rates. After the slashing attacks made on wages by the employers during 1921 and before and after the lock-out of 1922, district rates ranged from 41/- to 51/- a week of 47 hours.

To this was added 10/- war bonus, title—national bonus). It is generally agreed and accepted that at this particular time the average rate for skilled engineers throughout Great Britain was 46/- plus 10/- war bonus. As regards unskilled workers, some districts had reached agreements with local employers on district rates for the un-skilled, but this was not general. Of course, the national war bonus of 10/- was paid. On a rough calculation, the difference between the skilled man's basic rate and that of a labourer was approximately 17/- per week, so the national average rate for labourers would be 29/- for a 47-hour week, plus 10/- of bonus. Unskilled rates were shockingly low.

Before 1914 unskilled men were often paid as little as 16/- for a week of 54 hours. During the war of 1914 -18, certain districts were able to improve their district rates by odd shillings, slowly and painfully trying to establish some degree of uniformity with adjoining or similar districts. The progress made by the unskilled was as slow and difficult as that of the skilled men during those years. The highest level was reached in London, where the rate was 8id. an hour, or 33/4 for a week of 47 hours.

At the same time districts were endeavoring to secure differentials for certain classes of skilled men such as toolmakers, patternmakers, millwrights, etc. The variations throughout the country in these differentials were even more pronounced than in the case of their basic rates. There are certain districts where there is still no toolmakers' differential. The " Semi-Skilled" There are only two recognised district rates, the skilled and the unskilled, even today, despite rapid technical changes and the variation in degrees of skill, responsibility and effort implied in differentials and lieu rates-

What of the semi-skilled, that is to say male workers over the age of 21 years, engaged upon work which the employers refuse to recognise as skilled work, and which, by the same token, workers will not allow to be classed as unskilled ? The semi-skilled have always been and still are paid at rates related to the labourers' rate. Notwithstanding their specialised skill, their high productivity, and the fact that they usually displace craftsmen, the rates of such workers are related to the unskilled rates according to what the employers define as the "three-fold criterion," that is, the type of machine, the nature of the skill required on the job, and the skill, ability or dexterity of the operator on the machine.

With this " criterion " there is not only a wide disparity between district and district and between factory and factory within a district, but also between shops in a factory, and between individuals inside one shop.' In certain districts -there exists what is commonly termed the " machinists' rate " for work such as milling, planing, slotting, shaping, etc. To qualify for this " machinists' rate " a worker serves an apprenticeship not quite as long as that of a skilled fitter, turner, boilermaker, patternmaker, blacksmith, etc., and then receives a rate lower than the craftsman.

The Wages Structure Today (1945) The position, of the adult male worker today may be summarised as follows:—
1. Skilled fitters, turners, blacksmiths, etc., having served a five apprenticeship, are paid district 'rates, varying from district to district, plus national bonus.
2. Some, but not all, toolmakers receive additional differentials, varying up to a maximum in certain districts of 10/- a week.
3. There is a national agreement for a minimum differential of 8/- a week for certain classes of skilled men engaged as setters, maintenance men, inspectors, and markers-off. This agreement in itself is full of " provisos" and in essence is a peculiar and particular form of lieu rate-
4. Labourers' are paid at the unskilled district rate, varying in amount throughout the country, plus the uniform national
5. is a large and growing proportion of workers designated-as neither skilled nor unskilled falling in the category of semi-skilled workers.

Today, the national average basic rate for skilled timeworkers is 66/- for a 47-hour week. The national bonus is 25/6. For skilled workers engaged upon systems of payment by results, the basic rate averages 66/- and the national bonus is 17/6.

Women's Wages Only recently have women's basic wages become the subject of trade union negotiation.

Formerly women's wages were based on what is termed the "Women's Schedule"; this meant that the employers' organisation fixed a national minimum rate and all the individual employers applied it. The unions, however, negotiated war increases which were all added to the national, bonus and eventually a comprehensive agreement was reached by arbitration and negotiation. This agreement admirably demonstrates the complicated character of wage rates in the engineering industry, On the whole it marked a big step forward in women's wages, but plainly reveals the. snags and difficulties encountered every-where in the present structure. In practice problems of definition arise quite sharply.

For instance when is a women a time-worker and when is she a piece-worker? Is she in receipt of a merit rate or a merit rate commonly applied? Is she entitled to demand a price which will enable her to earn 27and a half per cent over the base rate of 37/- (Clause 2) notwithstanding the fact that her piecework price is based on 25/- (Clause I)? In addition to these problems of definition the individual has still to calculate overtime at time and a third, or time and a half, on the inclusive timeworkers' rate, of 56/- if she is timeworking, and on the basis of 51/- if she" is a pieceworker, and pro rata if she does periods of pieceworking and timeworking during one week.

Thus for both men and women the engineering wages structure is now immensely involved, illogical and complicated.

ANTI-FASCIST ACTIVITY 1986

In 1986 the fascist British National Party (BNP) attempted to organise in Hillingdon, no doubt buoyed by comments made by Terry Dicks MP for Hayes.

The BNP elements grouped around Stuart Millson, a recent member of Essex University Federation of Conservative Student , who claimed to be the local BNP parliamentary candidate (he never actually stood). Millson set about trying to inflame the local population, ending with his chilling claim in a letter to the local Informer newspaper (19th February 1987) that "hysterical proponents of the six million myth" in a reference to the holocaust.

A BNP day of action planned for Uxbridge on 11th October 1986 was announced in the local newspapers, but with three days notice anti fascists mobilised over 250 to meet the challenge, under the traditional ant-fascist slogan of "No pasaran - They Shall not Pass". The Anti Fascist group included a large number of Labour Party Councillors, Labour Party members, trade unionists, Brunel Students, Christians and West London Anti Fascist Action (AFA).

With anti-fascists stationed at the Uxbridge underground ticket booths few fascists chose to leave the platform. Millson himself stated they were met by "an enormous number of red trouble makers" He was soon caught and only because AFA members were not 100% sure if in infact it was Millson was he saved from from, as one AFA member described it "a real good reeducation" and later by Quakers who urged caution, and instead he was told in no uncertain terms to get out of town, which he did via the nearest routemaster bus, but without a bag of fascist literature.

Not for the first time there were those, especially amongst the Conservative party (with a few exception, Cllr Kester for one) who condemned the anti fascist mobilisation. However, the local papers and people knew that by supplying an overwhelming force in "taking the streets" Hillingdon had once again defeated fascism. the local paper headline proclaimed " BNP action flopped because of large turnout of anti fascist" If anyone had any doubts about Millsons fascist credentials, they only needed to read his later quotes in The Guardian stating "I would describe myself as a fascist. My main aim at university has been to drum up as much support as possible for racialism ." (Guardian, July 5, 1986 and repeated again on February 5, 1997). Unsurprisingly he subsequently rejoined the Conservative Party.

The Labour Group of Councillors were undoubtedly a key factor in the speedy mobilisation, and one Labour Councillor had actually taken part in the Battle of Cable Street on October 4th, 1936

By Sheila Fearty


NOTE:
The Battle of Ridley Road
Challenge September 13th 1947- By Mick Noble - Recently de-mobbed from the forces

RIDLEY ROAD—Saturday.

Thousands of East London house-wives fill this famous market, buying wares and collecting the Sunday dinner. The cries of the ' coster-mongers mingle with the gossip of the women and the yells of the children. Ridley Road—Sunday. The shops are closed. Gone are the stalls and barrows. But people are still there, people who hate fascism. People who once believed that Fascism had died with Hitler. Sunay, August 31, 1947, was a historical day for London's Youth.

The London Young Communist League (YCL) with the Hackney Branch in the lead, held the ground at Ridley Road for nine hours against fascist provocation. Forced to start the meeting at 4 p.m. (it was scheduled to start at 7 p.m.) the Y.C.L. put speaker after speaker on the platform. Youth from all walks of life denounced with great human feeling the increase in fascist activities in London.

Eighteen year old Betty Moss, of the Hackney Y.C.L., one of the earlier speakers, said: “The Housewives' League and the Tory Press may criticise the miners, but you will not find any of the rich class down the pits. Give London's Youth a chance and they will help to save Britain." Pete Richards, of St. Pancras Y.C.L., who sailed to France on D-Day, and was later wounded, made an impassioned appeal to a packed audience of 4,000: " Youth has a future if Fascism and Capitalism are destroyed in Britain," said Pete as thousands cheered

DOWN WITH FASCISM! At that moment the fascists, masquerading under the name of the" British League of Ex-Servicemen," were holding a meeting not far away from the youths' platform. A flood of abuse against the Jewish people was let loose. The crowd's hostility increased. Suddenly from all directions police swooped down upon the fascist meeting and it was promptly closed down. Police, on foot and in motor vehicles, then rushed to the Y.C.L. meeting. John Goss, Secretary of the London Y.C.L., mounted the platform to the cheers of the crowd. As he spoke, hundreds of little Hitlers, including German P.O.W., began to march upon the Y.C.L. meeting.

As they drew near, they began chanting: "Two, four, six, eight, who do we appreciate? — M-O-S-L-E-Y! " and sang the " Horst Wessel," the song composed in a German brothel, as they converged on the meeting. But they were thrown back by the solidness of the crowd, who were keenly interested in the constructive policy which Johnny Goss was putting forward for solving Britain's economic crisis. " The fascists say you don't find Jews in the coal mines," said Johnny, " and yet the only London lads working down the same pit as myself during the 'war were Jews. But you won't find fascists down the mines. No honest-to-goodness miner would work beside them."

The chairman, appealing for a collection, said: "The Tories and fascists ridicule our appeals for money, but we are proud to receive the pennies and shillings from the working class, for this indicates that we voice the needs of the people. Give your answer to the fascists! " Twenty-eight pounds four shillings was collected.

The fascists on the, opposite side of the road, angered by their failure to break up the meeting, made a final assault. They" rushed the meeting, throwing bottles and fireworks, but were once again decisively routed. The people stood steady and calm. The police were compelled to arrest a few fascists. In past weeks it has only been anti-fascists and ex-Servicemen who have been manhandled and arrested by the police. The police have indicated in the past their sympathy for the fascists.

This changed attitude may be an expression of public agitation and discontent with the actions of the police. The meeting came to an end as the crowd, thousands strong, sang the "Internationale" with great gusto. The fascists, who had earlier been singing the Nazi " Horst Wessel" insolently started singing the National Anthem. Before the crowds dispersed, 4,000 anti-fascists raised their voices in three tumultuous cheers, for the unity of the Labour movement, for a future for British Youth and the destruction of Fascism in Britain.

London's youth won a great victory on Sunday, August 31, But the last " Battle of Ridley Road" has yet to be won.

END

THE 1985 HENLEY REGATTA

HOORAY HENLEY

Traveling down to Henley on a train full of Hooray Henrys prattling on about skiing in Switzerland and Lady Camilla's coining out ball.

How I managed to keep my gob shut and my hands from strangling the bastards is the 8th wonder of the world!.

This year there's a new topic of conversation though-the anarchists! Hooray Henriettas are assured by the Hooray Henrys that they'll be over a thousand police, some of them armed, there to protect them. They (but not me!) are reassured by the sight of a police helicopter and a hundred fat porkers sweltering in the sun in a school field just outside Henley.

At Ealing Broadway 20 kids many of them black, dive on to the train jeering the rich snobs and shoving them out the way. The considerable anxiety in the next carriage is further increased by the arrival of 10 casuals from Southall, well armed with special brew and seemingly not going to Henley to watch the rowing.

Arrive at Henley station, F####' hell there’s old bill everywhere! With our crafty disguises we slip through the police cordon but anyone not looking like an obvious rich bastard is turned back.

The black kids don't make it off the platform, on every street corner there’s a van load of pigs by the bridge to the royal enclosure there’s a control van, breakdown vehicle to remove any motors blocking the bridge, and van loads of back up police.

Police on the bridge are filtering people across stopping anyone they don't like the look of.

By now we've clocked a lot of class warriors from around the country blending in to the background-or at least trying to ! Some Welsh hooligans have spent the night on posh boats on the Thames and have a few souvenirs to take home. We dive into the nearest boozer-all the pubs have security on the doors to keep out potential trouble makers, but we manage to sneak through. More news comes through-there's riot police at the back of the police station and van load after van of pigs.

After a few pints its back onto the streets, a lot of punks have somehow got through. Let battle commence-we start harassing the stuck up toffs on the streets. Stand in their way, trip them up, spit on them, abuse them, open well shook up cans of larger as they pass by in their hundreds of pounds dresses. Knock their boaters off, smash their sunglasses, kick the bastards.

They start to look really scared – despite the fact that there’s a thousand police on duty they still can’t be protected. Others are walking along the river bank kicking hampers and champagne buckets there’s no resistance, they look petrified.

Gradually a sizable mob is assembling near the bridge-about 200 of us. We give up the low profile and stand hurling abuse, spit and the odd can and bottle the rich. the Hoorays stop coming down the road. The police seal off the bridge, more pigs come running down the road, we're surrounded. We keep up the abuse for about 15 minutes.

The police are getting fed up as we get into the second rendition of 'Harry Roberts is our friend", very soon they're going to move in and nick the lot of us. Time to move on and resume guerrilla warfare. We filter away in 2's and 3's-there is no mass arrest: Back to the guerrilla harassment of the bastards. We maraud all over the town. A BMW is turned over, the tory club window goes in, fists fly and some hoorays decide to sunbathe fully clothed on the streets. Bricks and bottles fly over the back lanes into the gardens of rich mansions and startled sunbathers flee inside.

Now a Mercedes has gone over, all it's windows caving in, posh cars are booted as their drivers try to speed past us down the road, pig vans are racing around trying to keep up with the action, there are some arrests. This goes on for a couple of hours till we gradually leave Henley. A trainload of Hoorays are plastered with their own strawberries as they leave, soaked in beer and anything else that comes to hand, their boaters and sunglasses end up on the tracks. They wish they'd never boarded this train to leave Henley but many rich bastards after Saturday wish they'd never gone there in the first place.

So what did Henley achieve For the first time ever the rich have had to have over a thousand police with helicopters, riot shields and armed units to protect them at one of their major social occasions. Many businesses, including

garages and posh shops, closed down for the weekend preferring to lose their expected large profits rather than risk being smashed up. The rich now know what it's like-to be under siege conditions, to be scared s###less every time they wandered more than a few hundred yards from a policeman.

The police are there to protect the rich and their wealth from the rest of us-well, from now on they’re going to have to work a lot harder at it.

This year there were a few hundred of us at Henley but next year there’ll be thousands and the police will have to turn the place into a virtual prison for the rich to stop us getting at them.

The police are trying to make places where the rich are at their leisure, or where they live, no go areas for working class people.

At Wilmslow in Cheshire the Chief Inspector has said that black people from Moss Side will be arrested if they go there since their only reasons for being there can be to burgle the rich houses. At Henley black kids and anyone who didn't look posh enough were denied entry to the town or harassed or arrested by the police. We will continue to take our fight in to the streets of the rich ghettos. There will be no no-go areas for us but we must make sure that working class areas become no-go areas for the rich- where they fear for their safety whenever they enter. We must continue to make them live under siege conditions.

Of course our sophisticated, intellectual revolutionary friends on the left will continue to deride us. From their well paid jobs as lecturers, social workers, probation officers and teachers propping up the system the allegedly despise, they will laugh patronisingly when we talk of jostling the rich in the streets. In Hampstead and Islington these w#####s will prattle on about Nicaragua, Marxism today, yesterday and every f#### way. Cosily insulated from the rising class anger on the streets, for them politics is a trendy hobby. For us class hatred is a daily reality and -one these w####s will find out about soon enough.

Henley is only part of our fight to build a working class movement designed to-get rid of the rich and the police and politicians who protect them once and for all

We made mistakes at Henley, there were 43 arrests, we must improve our organisation and increase our combativity every time. In September (21^st 1985) we are organising another Bash the Rich march to Britain’s richest borough.

Hampstead. We can make this the biggest demonstration of class hatred and anger we've had for years. If we organise to get the homeless, those pissed off with being f##### over by the DHSS by the new bed and breakfast regulations and all working class people, employed or unemployed to come along we can get thousands of us to march into Hampstead. We have no demands to make the rich, there are no reforms or concessions they can make to stop us. In September class war will rage in the leafy avenues of Hampstead.

Make sure you’re there!

BEHOLD YOUR FUTURE EXECUTIONER

Class War Henley Regatta 6th July 1985

From August 1985 Class War

NOTE:

The Class war action at Henley Regatta on July 6th, 1985 marked a high water mark for the avowed Anarchist organisation, The event unquestionably brought into stark focus the excesses of Thatchersim.

Thus, the event was generally well received on the Left, However, as the article states " our sophisticated, intellectual revolutionary friends on the left will continue to deride us". I have to state personally that violence against individuals, even Toffs is unacceptable (but maybe in defeating fascism). Oh and yes I blanked out the swear words in an unprovoked act of big brother censorship

Yet in the days of Cameron's new Tory Etonians and his Bullingdon Club mates it's good to remember its still Class War out there

And if you did have any sympathy for the Royal Henley Regatta, you should recall that up until 1937 the rules of the Henley Regatta explicitly excluded working men from participating, with a rule that stated, those "Who have been by trade or employment for wages a mechanic, artisan or labourer".

EXTRA NOTE
COMMUNIST ROWER ON THE MOSCOW SOVIET

Frank Bright
Frank Bright from Bideford, North Devon, born 20 February 1891, was an outstanding local athlete, rowing for Bideford Amateur Athletic Club, known as the `Blues”.

Bright went to Ynyshire in South Wales in 1911 to work in the Standard Pit. A member of the South Wales Miners’ Federation for 16 years, he became an active member of the Miners Unofficial Reform Movement and later a leading light of the Rhondda Communist Party.

During the run up to the General Strike, he stated that "far more important than the fight for wages is the struggle for power"; he was imprisoned during the course of that momentous year, one of several periods of imprisonment arising from his political activities.

In 1927, Bright became Manchester Communist Party organiser in and, in August 1930, went to the Lenin School in Moscow, becoming a member of the Moscow Soviet, later still Liverpool/Lancashire CP organiser helping International Brigadiers get to Spain to aid the republican cause.

He suffered from poor health caused by pneumoconiosis and returned to Bideford, Devon and, from 1942-1943, was the Party’s Organiser for Devon and Cornwall.
Died15th November 1944

Hayes & Harlington Labour Party Officers 1962

P.C. Carter (President) (South Ward)
Edward Joseph Vance (Secretary) (Frogmore Ward)
Simon Geldberg (Vice President) (Hayes Ward)
Ossie Garvin (Treasurer) (ASWcM Hayes & Hayes Ward)

Ivor Anthony (TGWU 1/212 & Coldharbour Ward)
R. G. Hoare (Belmore/Barnhill Ward)
H. Matthews (AEU & Crane Ward)
Mrs Kathleen Johnson (Pinkwell Ward)
F. W. Rosser (Coldharbour Ward)
Brian Shaw (AEU)
Gwilym Arthur Childs (Botwell Ward)
E. Nixon (Yeading Ward)
K. Ebbs (Coldharbour Ward)
Mrs I. Vance (Womens Section & Frogmore Ward)
Robert John Came (ASLEF Southall & Botwell)
E. A. Wiltshire (AEU)
Eric G Evans (TGWU 1/690 & Belmore)
A. Woolcock (AEU)
A. Sanderson (ASWcM)
Miss G. White (Pinkwell Ward)


Note:
ASWcM - Amalgamated Society of Woodworkers and Construction Machinists merged in 1972 to form Furniture, Timber and Allied Trade Union (FTAT)

Communist Party London District Committee 1944

1. BEAUCHAMP, Kay
2. BERRIDGE, Claude
3. BIRCH, Reg
4. BRAMLEY, Ted
5. CLAYDEN, Harry
6. COLLIER, John
7. CRUICKSHANK, Gordon
8. DAWE, Reg
9. DRIVER, Gladys
10. EVANS, Harry
11. FINCH, Joe
12. GRANDJEAN, Duke
13. GUNSON, Madge
14. HEINEMANN, Margot
15. HOLT, W.
16. JONES, Bill
17. JONES G. J
18. FRANCIS, Tom
19. GOSS, Joe
20. LEESON, George
21. McILVEN, Peggy
22. MINDEL, Mick
23. MORSE, Mary
24. MAHON John
25. NORMAN, Percy
26. PAPWORTH, Bert
27. PIRATIN, Phil
28. PRIVETT, Muriel
29. PYM. Diana
30. ROBERTS, Wally
31. RUDE, George
32. RUST, Tamara
33. SHAPIRO. Michael
34. STANTON, Peggy
35. VAHRMAN, Ruth
36. WARD, Ted
37. WEAVER, Harry
38. WHITE, Jack
39. WHITE, Sybil

A WORKS COMMITTEE IN ACTION

The factory I work in North-West London recently won the Production Banner awarded by the National Council of Shop Stewards, How did we do it ? Well, it wasn't easy, as

I'll explain. We started off with one main-idea in our minds—Team Work. Our Production Committee popularised this slogan so that the whole factory cottoned on to the idea, and everyone saw that they had a part to play.

Our factory consists of 50 bays, each of which has a Production Representative. The main job of these Production Representatives is to bring bottle-necks to the notice of the Central Production Representative, who immediately investigates the cause. of the hold-up and contacts the Manaerement.

The cause of the hold-up and contacts the Management. The workers in our factory are so keen on going all out to destroy the Nazis that' they won't stand for any shilly-shallying by the Management—or for any slackness in our own ranks.

The key to our success ? Well, first I would say team work. It's because we all stick together for the job in hand that we are able to tackle all the obstacles that crop up in the course of our work. And Second, it's because we all hate' Fascism so much that we won't let anything stand in our way in turning out the equipment for our lads in the Forces.—

JOAN STANLEY
(Woman Worker in the Tool-room).

Workers Pictorial (London Edition) circa 1943
issued by the CPGB printed Harrison & Sons Ltd,Hayes

London's Statute of Lenin

In 1942, the Labour controlled Finsbury Borough Council had erected a statue to Lenin in front of the 30 Holford Square from 1902 in which he had once lived.

The dead-white bust on its red marble base was regularly attacked and defaced by fascists, even during the war with PJ "Perish Jew" later it was removed to the Town Hall.

Across the road Berthold Lubetkin a communist architect designed the Lenin estate now known as the "Bevin Court" (after a local councillor) off Cruikshank Street.

Lubetkin also designed the London Zoo and Finsbury Health Centre

COMMUNIST BOOK SHOPS - LONDON
By Dave Cope

Hayes Thames Bookshop (later Progressive Bookshop) 83 Station Road, Hayes

1942 (prob. 1941)
a) Acton: 2 Church Road, High Street W3
b) Camden: 45 Parkway NW1 (gone by Feb 1949)
c) Peckham: 91 Peckham High Street SE15 (gone by Feb 1949)
d) Hayes: 83 Station Road [later Progressive Bookshop] gone by 1949 ?
e) Tooting: 28 Mitcham Road SW17 Closes 1949.
f) Stepney: 19 Whitechurch Lane, E1.
Had moved by 1943 to 20 Whitechapel High Street E1 (gone by Aug 1949).
1943 g) Harrow: 360 Station Road gone by 1949?
Feb 1946 h) Kingston: 29 Fife Road Kingston on Thames, Surrey
Feb 1949 i) 174 Royal College Street, NW1 Closes 1950.
Feb 1949 j) Moorgate: 151 Moorgate EC1. Closes later in 1949.
Nov 1949 k) 100 Woolwich High Street SE18
Nov 1949 l) 363 Cambridge Heath Road E2
Nov 1949 m) 1 Datcheler Place, SE5
Nov 1949 n) 23 Mason's Avenue, Wealdstone
Aug 1950 o) 421 Garrett Lane, SW18
Aug 1950 p) 75 Farringdon Road, EC1

1967 61 South Road, Southall, West Middlesex District Literature Department.
1974 Atlas Books, 221 The Broadway, Southall, West Middlesex District

1934 (Feb) Workers' Bookshop 31 Dudden Hill Lane, Willesden NW10, (in Feb 1934 this shop, called the "Unthanks Bookshop", acted as publisher for Inprecorr; later in 1934 it moved to 370 High Road, Willesden)

Workers' Bookshop 8 Goldhawk Mews, Hammersmith Workers' Bookshop 249 King St, Hammersmith

1934 New Books 12 Argyll Gardens, Burnt Oak

Ted Ainley worked in the West Middlesex Communist Party bookshop from 1952-53

Amalgamated Society of Carpenters & Joiners 1914

A new agreement has been reached between the Uxbridge Master Builders Association and the Uxbridge branch of the Amalgamated Society of Carpenters & Joiners

The new agreements covers carpenters employed within a 4 mile radius of Uxbridge Market House

From January 1914 the carpenters rate will be 10d per hour, an increase of half a penny.



NOTE:

The Uxbridge branch (which included Hayes) was established around (1880 or 1883) and is therefore one of the oldest unions in the area
The Union in 1888 was meeting at the Grapes Public House, Hayes

The Southall branch of the Bricklayes Union dates from at least 1888 and was also meeting at the Grapes Public House, Hayes

Councillor Horace Lucia involved in the establishment of the union at Southall


The Southall branch of the Operative Plasters Union was established in Southall in 1905

The Record of a Memorable Visit
Paris July 1947 Bastille Day
Communist Party of Great Britain

July 14th, Bastille Day, besides being a national holiday is a day of special significance for the people of France.

Many historic dates stand out in the chronicle of the great French Revolution, but Republican France chooses to celebrate the anniversary of July 14th, 1789.

On that day the people of Paris, impatient at the fruitless debates in the Estates General, rose in mass and stormed the fortress-prison of the Bastille, in whose dungeons were chained the heroes of their struggle for freedom.

The people, having struck the first decisive blow of the Revolution, carried it forward to victory. Thus began a revolutionary tradition which has been the motive force of French history in the past 150 years.

The spirit of the Bastille lived in the citizens who marched to battle singing the "Marseillaise" to defend their Revolution against foreign armies.

This was the spirit of 1830 and 1848, of the Paris Communards who "stormed heaven" in 1871 and of the heroic men and women of the Resistance.

This is the France we saw in the Place de la Republique on.that memorable Monday afternoon, the France of the Communist Party with its 75,000 martyrs.


Our British Communist Party is proud, to send 750 of its members to take part in this revolution anniversary,

Those of us who had the honour to be there should be keenly aware of the importance of visit

Here is the spirit of our trip caught in a moment. (Photo Left)

The frontier are down, language problems are forgotten. British and French unite in common understanding

The vast crowds who greeted our slogans saw in us, the living symbol of the forces in our country which will ensure that Britain's influence in the world will be used on the side of democratic advances for all nations.

We were the ambassadors of the real Britain to which they look with confidence and hope.

The value of such visits was well expressed "by the Secretary of the Party Committee of the 18th Arrondisseraent in his speech to us: "Friendly understanding between the common people of all lands will tear down the frontiers which the capitalist rulers erect in order to divide us, to create ill-feeling between us as part of their preparations for war."

Now that we are home again, we must make use of the lessons we learned in France. To bring into every aspect of our work here that enthusiasm and devotion which we felt there

To work to bring about that understanding and solidarity with the working class of mother lands which will help us to advance with them to happiness, prosperity' and lasting peace

TO SOCIALISM

(Photo Right) Friday's crossing. The English summer escorted us over the channel, but a sing song is a great tonic for sea sickness






(Photo Left) What's the first thing you look for in France ? why, L'Humanite of course


(Photo missing)
The Communist Deputy of Dieppe, Lucie Guerin, greets the British visitors with a handshake for John Gollen of our Executive Committee




"Friendship with our Allies but no submission to Dollar Imperialism" A slogan which was greeted with all along the route (Photo Right)















(Photo Above Left) The big day - July 14th
The march to the Assembly point near the Bastille




(Photo Right) The delegates of the Executive Committee and members of District Committees lead the march past the tribune. A storm of cheers: "Vive le peuple anglais", "Vive L'Angletere democratique". People reach out to shake our hands. Some of our comrades are so filled with emotion that tears are streaming down their cheeks.



(Photo Left) The contingent of the Union of French girls carry a picture of Danielle Casanova, martyr of the Resistance. Here is a symbol of great hope of France's future. "No more tears. Unite and fight for a better future. We shall build happy homes in a lasting peace"





(Photo Right) Men in little skirts, as the French called them serenade the statue of the Republic. "The Daily Worker greets L'Humanite, France's greatest newspaper"











(Photo Left) Perhaps you can see yourself here........
(Photo Below Right) or here......



















(Photo Left) The ceremony of laying the wreath. Next to John Gollan stands the President of the "Committee of the Flame", French ex servicemen who maintain a permanent guard of honour at the tomb.





(Missing Photo) The wreath "From the British Communists to their brothers-in-arms", which we placed on the tomb of France's unknown warrior

The Monument

In 1913 suffragettes of the WSPU stormed the Monument in London (built to mark the Fire of London)

You can see in the WSPU flag flying from the railings

Local Hayes WSPU supporter Marion Cunningham lived at Oakdene, Hayes End,

The National Unemployed Workers Movement (NUWM) also occupied the Monument during the Thirties and unveiled a banner

Football Battalion WW1

During World War One WW1, there were a number of "Pal's Battalions" . including two English Football battalions.

A "pal's battalion" was comprised of soldiers raised in the same locality or at the same occupation, who the Army agreed would serve with their friends for the duration of the war.

There were two Football Battalion's in England (and this is not including the Sportsmen's Battalion)

17th Duke of Cambridge's Own Battalion (1st Football), the Middlesex Regiment Formed in London on 12 December 1914, by Rt-Hon. W. Joynson Hicks, MP. July 1915 : attached to 100th Brigade, 33rd Division. 8 December 1915 : transferred to 6th Brigade, 2nd Division. 10 February 1918 : disbanded in Belgium.

23rd (Service) Battalion (2nd Football), the Middlesex Regiment Formed in London on 29 June 1915, by Rt-Hon. W. Joynson Hicks, MP. November 1915 : attached to 123rd Brigade, 41st Division.

Clapton Orient (now Leyton Orient) was the first English Football League club to enlist together. Following the example of club captain, Fred Parker, around 40 players and staff volunteered. Leading goal-scorers Richard McFadden and William Jonas were amongst those killed during the Battle of the Somme.

WALES 14th (Service) Battalion (Swansea), the Welsh Regiment. Formed at Swansea, October 1914, by the Mayor and Corporation and the Swansea Football and Cricket Club. November 1914 : attached to 129th Brigade, 43rd Division. 28 April 1915 : formation became the 114th Brigade, 38th Division.

SCOTLAND The 16th (Service) Battalion (2nd Edinburgh) was known variously as Sir George McCrae's Battalion or "McCrae's Own" or, locally, as "Hearts Battalion". The entire Heart of Midlothian first team joined up in November 1914. Hearts were top of the Scottish League at the time.

Third Lanark, Heart of Midlothian his particular battalion (16/Royal Scots) was formed from players and supporters of Heart of Midlothian FC. McCrae himself was the local MP and he did serve with the battalion for a small period. Famous Scottish Football Club Third Lanark joined the Third Lanark Riflemen Volunteers





Walter Tull (1888-1918)

Born 28th April 1888 in Kent

Played for Leyton Orient,Tottenham and Northampton Town, Walter thus become the first black outfield professional player (the first being goalie Arthur Walton for Preston North End).

When WW1 broke out and he enlisted in the 17th(1st Football)Battalion of the Middlesex Regiment, as did many other professional players

By 1916 he was a sergeant and fought in the first battle of the Somme. Suffering from trench fever, Walter was brought back to England to recuperate. His superiors heard constant reports of the man's courage, popularity and leadership skills and they took a remarkable decision - to recommend Walter for a commission, ignoring the Army regulations that forbade 'any negro or person of colour' holding officer rank. Walter Tull was commissioned lieutenant in May 1917 and in doing so became the first British-born black officer in the Army.

Sent to the Italian front, this first British-born black officer in the British Army led his men at the Battle of Piave, and was commended for his 'gallantry and coolness'.

During the second battle of the Somme, On 25th March, 1918, 2nd Lieutenant Walter Tull was ordered to lead his men on an attack on the German trenches at Favreuil. Soon after entering No Mans Land, Tull was hit by a German bullet. Tull was such a popular officer that several of his men made valiant efforts under heavy fire from German machine-guns to bring him back to the British trenches. These efforts were in vain as Tull had died soon after being hit. He was awarded the British War and Victory Medal and recommended for a Military Cross.

EMERGENCY PLANNING 1915
THE GERMAN INVASION THREAT










The Lord Lieutenant of Buckinghamshire, Lord Lincolnshire attended the July meeting of Buckinghamshire County Council and made a speech full of suggestions as to what the country would be expected to do in the event of hostile landing on the East Coast.



1. Posting and distribution of emergency notices
2. Reception, the care of and passing on of refugees from the East
3. Receiving and passing westwards cattle driven from the East
4. Arranging rest and food camps for cattle driven westwards
5. Hospital arrangements at specified places for sick and wounded removed from the Eastern counties
6. Reserving and keeping free from traffic certain main roads required for military use
7. Arrangements for registration and branding cattle in the county
8.Arranging and equipping stations for live stock in the county
9. Removal or destruction of the same if specifically ordered
10. Arrangements for removal and destruction of boats, launches etc on the River Thames, in accordance with the scheme prepared by the Thames Conservancy.
11 Precautions against hostile aircraft and signals for giving warning of their approach
12. Collection of motors, bicycles, carts, carriages, horses and harness, petrol etc
13. Removal or destruction of same if ordered
14. Removal or destruction of food supplies if ordered
15. Collection of tools, picks, shovels etc required by the military
16. Collection of working parties in charge of foremen, the policy of the Government being to encourage ever able bodied man to task his part in the defence of the Realm
17. A general census of all the above is the hands of police, together with lists of flour mills and granaries etc
18. Reservation of certain roads for ordinary traffic and of other roads for driving cattle.
19. Generally to advice the civil population in Buckinghamshire to remain cool in the their homes and to pursue their ordinary avocation, and with regard to owners of local cattle, to register with the police, obtain brands and await orders. It is anticipated that local cattle will not be removed

He went on to praise the of the four thousand special Bucks constables and Bucks Volunteer Defence Force now numbering 2,700 men (a force no doubt originally established to meet the threat of the Swing rioters)

Uxbridge Advertiser
July 23rd 1915

Photo:
The last air raid of London in World War One WW1 at Sydenham Road junction with Fairlawn Park, Sydenham, South London, 19th May 1918 killing 12

Eddie Lopez

Eddie Lopez was a Labour Party organiser in Slough and Reading.

He contested the Slough constituency from 1987 and 1992 (losing by just over 500 votes in 1992)

The former Eaton & Slough seat had been held by Labour by Benn Levy (1945-1950), Fenner Brockway (1950-1964) and Joan Lestor's 1966-1983

Vice Chair of Cooperative Wholesale Society (CWS) Surrey & Berkshire


Lopez was a very popular and energetic candidate, he even had a record recorded about him by a local band

For those of us outside Slough, we never understood why he was manoeuvred out of being the Member of Parliament for Slough.

NOTE

Eddie Lopez actually came very close to winning Slough in 1992. He lost by 514 votes, but a rogue candidate called Alford who also termed himself, The Labour Candidate stood (election law has changed now to prevent this sort of thing) and, because he was top of the ballot paper, took 699 votes. He celebrated on election night with the winning Tories.

“Eddie Lopez Lives in Slough” by Nine Steps to Ugly, was the name of the record and reinforced the fact that Eddie lived in Slough unlike the ex Hillingdon Tory councillor John Watts.


Eddie Lopez had been instrumental in the establishment of a recording studio under the Slough Labour Rooms

Joan Lestor also a very popular, hard working MP, went on to be MP for Eccles